They are Roman, don´t try to change them (Morris West)

 They are Roman, don't try to change them (Morris West)… ..

31/10/2020

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/11/01/Son-romanos-no-intente-cambiarlos-Morris-West

It is undoubtedly a welcome that Chile has come out en masse to send a clear message to the Catholic, Creole and military oligarchy, about their unbearable presence and arbitrariness. Of course, these messages are not always understood. Precisely, in this South American country, an elite was characterized that, in the name of God, decided to overthrow the first democratically elected socialist ruler.

To the memory comes, with a hint of bitterness and disagreement, an academic participation abruptly intervened by a Chilean socialist bookseller who, in the face of the debate raised by the Spanish political scientist Juan Linz regarding the presidential-parliamentary duo and its relationship with democracy, pointed out that in 1973 Chile needed weapons and civility. From a distance, it is an unbearable truth.

Arturo Fontaine and an intellectual gang that accompanies him from one of the main Catholic political science centers, proposed, a few years ago, that Chile should retake the 1925 constitution that was suspended at the time of the coup. That size is the measure that the historical speed of Catholic nationalisms propose for the making of political changes. How good is the Chilean 1925! Latin America is still struggling in the labyrinth of the Middle Ages.

However, there is another Chile that aspires to autonomy, liberalism, progress and equality. The country is lavish in wine and literature, for this reason, Roberto Bolaños appears opposite Fontaine. If literature is the record of democratic change, it will be necessary to rush the gringo sociologists so that in the next text on modern religious anthropology, they include the Chileans who advance between the moon and Barcelona. Could it be that free Chileans can only be out of this world? For Catholic nationalists, yes.

Chile was the center of convergence between the United States and the Holy See. Augusto Pinochet proposed the country as the center of Conservative Modernity where neoliberalism and Catholic anti-communism shaped the social fabric. It was the model of the liberal Catholic dictatorship where humble people were subdued, controlled, murdered and exploited, by an oligarchy with bombastic fascist morals. The Chilean democratic transition has hidden many crimes and abuses of the right so that the left came to govern, it followed the Spanish model of forgetfulness, forgiveness and tolerance to the ever-current abuse of the powerful. That is why so much is expected of Chile, for changes to proceed in a different way. The future is beyond banishing Pinochet and John Paul II from history, it implies building a free nation.

It is not enough to support a constitution for the 21st century more than for 1925. The message of the old Chilean socialist bookseller is fundamental. The people must value and pay the cost of their freedom. If the Chilean people do not supervise and demand a constitution tailored to their historical circumstances, Chile will accumulate yet another experience in all the silly republics of Latin American letters. A constitution is a chimera against imperialism. Neither the United States nor the Holy See will stop intervening and protecting their interests alongside businessmen and aristocratic landowners.

Chile and Bolivia have demonstrated convincingly to demand their rights, they have shown the cynicism and immorality of geopolitical imperialism. However, the western theological right encourages the manifestation of liberal and nationalist collectives to destroy them in the possible post-pandemic future. That the people and the history of Chile make no mistake

Drug trafficking and conflicts with the United States

Drug trafficking and conflicts with the United States

October 17, 2020

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/10/17/El-narcotr%C3%A1fico-y-los-conflictos-con-Estados-Unidos

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Hardly surprised by the refusal of the Free Mexico Party of Margarita Zavala and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa as well as the passing to three political cartoon institutes, the news of the arrest made to General Salvador Cienfuegos, former Secretary of National Defense in the six-year term of Enrique Peña Nieto, constitutes another flash of amazement. It confirms a change of interests in the perspective of US collaboration with the technocratic groups of the Mexican political system in exchange for the nationalists. It even seems that history repeats itself. During the six-year term of Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado, a similar situation sank the decorum of the old revolutionary guard.

In both situations, the common denominator lies in the betrayal of the US security agencies to their Mexican allies. Military, police, politicians and drug traffickers; They work for US intelligence, then get retired by US intelligence to create new enemies and continue to run the game. The only ruler who has understood the game is former President Vicente Fox, it is better to legalize drugs and that the Americans come to leave remittances. No bullet, no drop of blood, has been worthwhile in the fight against drug trafficking. The United States is the Great Capo and should not be taken seriously.

The well-known phrase that the United States has interests, not friends; it is exemplified in the experience of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. The refusal of his party by the INE and later by the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judicial Power, show the orphanhood in which the civilist side of the Catholic humanists is found. Beyond the confrontations with AMLO and internally in the PAN, Felipe Calderón has long lost the support of the United States and, like other characters in Latin American history, is left with the route of self-exile in the closet of Mexican presidentialism or starting a route anti-American where he exposes the vileness of Yankee pragmatism on the issue of drugs.

The Americans used Felipe Calderón, like the Panamanian Manuel Noriega, and then they defenestrated him in the garbage can. As president, Calderón brought the militarization of public security to the zenith as requested by the United States, Mexico was structured as a state of exception and, the mark of the six-year term, will be a failed, fratricidal and bloody war. Likewise, the six-year period of death and violence seems to be the objective of the United States in the Mexican scenario.

Calderón almost broke with the United States because it was clear to him that Mexico is, and will be, the Vietnam of drugs. In other words, the war on drug trafficking will never be won by the Mexican State, never, at least, when there is another option for the United States. If the Mexican military are murderers, drug traffickers and criminals, it is because North America puts it that way in its geopolitical strategy. The biggest Latin American drug traffickers have been members of the CIA. The problem is that the United States takes the money and the drugs, but leaves us the dead and the grudges.

Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, García Luna, and Salvador Cienfuegos will remain in the cluster of politicians who cooperated with the US drug government and, later, were left to their fate. The possibility that the former president also steps in jail remains in parentheses.

The most tragic thing, however, is the contextual condemnation imposed on Mexico: to remain the space for the distribution, trafficking and exploitation of drugs for the benefit of the US economy of war and consumption.

Behind the frustrated presidency of Felipe Calderón, there remains the American government that has no interest in making Mexico change and only maintains the supine intelligence that a wall can save it from chaos. It is necessary to shout to the DEA, CIA and FBI, etc., that not only the southern United States is Mexican territory, there are hundreds of cartel cells that will soon be narco-terrorists; the failed state is not a state, it is a virus that spreads. Muslim, Afro-American radicalism will soon be accompanied by Hispanic radicalism.

Mexico is more than a mafia republic (Escalante Gonzalbo), it is a narcosystem that advances without control, unlike the United States. The war that began under Calderonism is not going to stop, it is getting worse and will get worse if the United States continues to betray its Mexican collaborators. The president of Mexico, the political parties and civil society have the obligation to amend the geopolitical vocation assigned to us by North America and stop feasting on the fate of the García Luna and Cienfuegos. The problem is that the United States and the extreme right reproduce them in droves while the country falls apart and fills with blood and graves.Who certifies the United States in its fight against drugs? What American bosses have fallen in its war on drugs? Why does the United States not stop trafficking in weapons for organized crime groups in Mexico? Why does the United States not allow Mexican agents and military to act within its territory?

Mexico is in a low intensity war (A. Schedler) in which the United States is cause and effect. North America forces the rulers, personally, to go out to kill mafia bosses and, on the other hand, the American intelligence pacts with them. In the middle are the disappeared, the dead, and other criminal taxonomy that generalized violence accustoms us to.

America is not trustworthy. Perhaps that is why Felipe Calderón was about to close his embassy permanently. America is unfair.

The crisis of the party system confirms that Mexico is returning to an era of caudillismo and factionalism, similar to the experience of the 19th century and to that of Latin America when there was a coup every four years. The parties were simply pulverized and the PRI's cohesive cement no longer hits anything.

The political factionalism that will continue demands electoral and government systems that force cooperation or, at least, the clear definition of majorities.

The refusal to form political parties is illogical, in addition to allowing those who want to join, they must also withdraw the public resources that are assigned to them, if someone wants to fight for power that they bet their money.

The municipality: an institution designed for failure?

The municipality: an institution designed for failure?

October 14, 2020

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

The 4T has taken up some of the neoliberal criticisms of federalism and this has generated a healthy controversy that can lead to a historic break with the old regime. The democratic transition has not generated quality –to use one of the chrematistic terms of managerialism–, the past six-year period is a serious sign that political alternations are not shielded against corruption.

The administration of Enrique Peña Nieto and the political group that accompanied him as governors, mayors and other public officials, committed one of the greatest looting of the country, only comparable with the government of José López Portillo or the dictatorship of Gral. Antonio López de Santa Anna.

Federalism is the hinge of corruption. The study carried out by the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness - and from which, with a small variation, the idea to head this column is taken - indicates that corruption is more a matter of political will than of control in the public function.

The municipalities were liberalized during the administration of Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado and received unique support from Carlos Salinas de Gortari; However, to this day, they continue to be an example of poverty, corruption, nepotism and chiefdoms. The IMCO study that is mentioned, leads to a severe approach to federalism as well as the powers contained in articles 115 and 124 of the Constitution. The cases of satrap governors and the consequent municipalities flourish everywhere.

The defense of federalism - as it is now - made by the opposition to AMLO, also indicates that there is a profound misunderstanding of the electoral results in 2018. Rather than demanding the participation of a citizenry that defends pure and transparent local government, which It should be clear is that political corruption is impossible to stop.

To defend federalism is to defend corruption, nobody is saved. The event ends up agreeing with the president of the republic and leaves things in the field of political will. The re-election, the revocation of the mandate and the evaluation of public policies; they are better instruments for controlling corruption than anything else.

The municipality and popular participation, as defended by Carlos Salinas de Gortari, does not work either. Years go by and stories of mayors who harm their communities with total cynicism also happen. Nobody does anything. Only the reports of audits and state agencies remain that few know and fewer understand. The state governments are in worse shape, completely hijacked by the local oligarchies, the powers that be and operate in the most patrimonial way possible.

What to do if the municipalities and states do not work? There is the quality of government in the studies of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and Transparency International that have been carried out in the last twenty years, to mention certain institutions of prestige and academic honor. The technologies of the public function have not been created to control the government, the citizens do not have time to participate and the political class only wants to reach the positions by whatever means to continue stealing.

Paradoxically, as in the case of many diseases, the solution is to dose an innocuous measure of the same disease. That is, it is possible to

He asked if corruption could be limited by creating more municipalities and local entities. States and municipalities have to consider federalism internally rather than demand it. The municipalities have to be divided and the states also. France and the United States are study models for decentralized public administration. It is inconceivable that governors dispute the federal budget when they only work in slightly less than 30% of the municipalities that make up their entities. We are talking about successful cities more than worker states, beyond the capitals and main urban centers of any state, the municipalities are in the economic, political, social, legal, security and institutional orphanhood. The neoliberals thought that Mexico is poor because it is dispersed, in addition to not wanting to develop, that is why they sought to disappear the municipalities and privatize them under the failed model of Spanish gentrification, and for people to concentrate on the large cities. Mexico is not poor because it is dispersed, it is poor because its political class steals unceasingly and without scruples.

Mexico requires more municipalities that do the task of governing themselves and self-managing their resources. What good has democratic federalism been if the country is poorer and more inequitable than it was forty years ago. The states and municipalities ended up accentuating the fiefdoms of the Mexican political system. Then, you have to take on the task of looking for rigorous models of public administration and taking the corresponding measures. Decentralization in public higher education has allowed individuals to consider alternative options to state universities, the results are interesting and worth considering.

The other option, and there is a singular risk for the incipient Mexican democracy, is the excess of authoritarian centralization. Ernesto Zedillo advocated governance based on the Chinese model. This situation is serious because it speaks of rebuilding the statecentrism that Mexico irrationally put into practice during the seventies and eighties of the last century. It is true that the Mexican State needs to strengthen itself, regain its capacity for control and commitment to society. However, Mexican nationalization is an impossible dream against the Yankee Empire so sensitive to the strengthening of other countries.

Re-election and revocation of the mandate are the only means to balance our federalism, design new municipal and state entities, generalize the government term to four years and raise social awareness that each town has the government it deserves, they can be elements of political will that they do more for our democratic federalism than anything else

Frenaaa y las derechas en México. Programa de Indicador Político

 

Frenaaa y las derechas en México. Programa de Indicador Político 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6XLJoGt403w 

En el presente análisis, la Dra. Xochitl Patricia Campos López habla de los vínculos entre el Frente Nacional Anti Andres Manuel López Obrador y su relación con las derechas mexicanas. Anfitriones: Carlos Ramírez y Samuel Schmidt