The Cancellation of Plan B

 The cancellation of Plan B

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The conflict between the neoliberal faction that is represented in the PRIANRD polypartisan pragmatic alliance and the political project of the Fourth Transformation, has taken an extreme difference in regard to the dispute over the INE. While the neoliberals bet on maintaining the electoral structure that bogs down the Mexican political transition in a delegative democracy, Lopezobradorismo gains in popular sympathy and confirms before society the hypothesis of institutional autonomy as a reference of the factual powers. The cancellation of Plan B does not contribute to weakening President López Obrador; Quite the contrary, in front of the bulk of the population he is transformed into a republican and nationalist Caesar who could count -if the polarizing spirit continues- with the social support to promote a reform that removes the hindrances of the old Mexican regime.

Delegative democracies lock the countries that maintain them in vicious circles. According to Guillermo O'Donnell, a sultanist government like that of Rafael Moreno Valle in Puebla and a progressive democrat like that of José Mújica fit into this context. The question is that the quality indicators of democracy, human development, economic growth, competitiveness, human rights and, above all, accountability; they are always on the decline, that is, failed.

Does defending the INE mean protecting Delegative Democracy? Of course. The trajectory of the Federal Electoral Institute and later of the INE, are accomplices and responsible for the delegative democracy that has made the interregnum between the old and the old regime in the country eternal. Critics of Morenista populism do not want to understand that they are the cause of radicalized social movements that destabilize the Mexican political system due to the meager results of neoliberal governance.

The exponential growth of vulnerability and the precariat in Mexico explains the arrival of the Fourth Transformation. Why does the PRIANRD defend a senile institution like the INE that no longer adjusts to the democratic challenges that Mexico faces in a post-covid world? Does the PRIANRD hope that the cycle of delegative democracy will last as long as the hegemonic dominance of the old Official Party? It seems that it is so.

Luis Carlos Ugalde has been one of the media references to observe the process that the debate regarding the INE has followed. The joke is only told, they say out there. But it is worrying that in addition to using the most retrograde forms, the defenders of the INE are also interested in polarizing as much as possible. They say they don't want civil war, are they sure?

Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

 Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

During the Mexican political transition, partisan turncoat has been the common behavior of many PRI cadres that have found a place in recent and incompetent political parties to form and train their own cadres. From the PAN, through the PVEM and the rest of the parties collect everything; The traditional PRI has been cloned, disguised or infiltrated. The PRI did not have the destiny of the hegemonic parties and, even, of the State, but of the dominant parties. That is to say, those who tend to form new slogans or tendencies and who consolidate in new political institutes the personalist or ideological fractions of the previous partisan institute. Now we are governed by PRI members of all political parties -as Granados Chapa pointed out-, or the PRI with its different personalist and ideological tendencies.

Senator Alejandro Armenta represents the political clique of Governor Mario Marín Torres. Even when it is stated that personalist political groups tend to be volatile and get involved in different adventures of collaborative factionalism depending on the historical context, the truth is that the links and political networks remain. What is recognized in the characters that add up and are incorporated into the electoral mechanisms that support armentism. The rotation of the political elites in Mexico, and in Puebla, obeys more to the course of the rotation of cliques than the alternation of political parties.

The political turncoat is a sign that there is a serious condition in the health of political parties. Although partisan migration was seen as a normal and healthy process in the evolution of the political transition, the truth is that it was defined in such a way in a temporary and not constant format. The permanence of the turncoat has deinstitutionalized the parties and, above all, the public function. The cliques replace the parties, which increases the margin of action of the invisible power and patrimonial behavior, true harmful elements of democracy and authority.

Puebla is experiencing a civic disease that is manifested in the characters with the greatest chance of reaching the governorship in 2024. Politics is the result of the collusion raised by the power cliques and, well, the results, indices and indicators are known to all. During the last decade, the quality of democracy in the state has been non-existent.

Morena in Puebla has no chance of electoral triumph if it is not with defecting cliques, the same happened with the first alternating government in the entity's history. But to what extent is so much turncoat healthy? Who is right in the dispute over leadership? How long will the political parties be real in Puebla?

The old regime and Puebla

 The old regime and Puebla

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The inconsistency of the Puebla Morenista government with the principles of the Fourth Transformation in Mexico has ceased to be a novelty. The entity lives a dark PRI night in the transition under the PAN and Morenista franchise. The indicators that evaluate the quality of democracy have plummeted during most of the alternating governments and are now in the standards of null certification. The PRI turncoat to the different political parties that have occupied the state government and the insertion of PRI collaborators in alternating governments, characterize the serious crisis of cadres that exists in parties other than the PRI as well as the lack of preparation or, outright , absolute incompetence in non-PRI militancy.

A few decades ago, when the PRI/system had heart attacks that anticipated the crisis of the regime of the Mexican revolution, Manuel Camacho Solís pointed out the excess of political empiricism and the lack of project and political ideology in the PRI members of the eighties in the Last century. Faced with the end of the Cold War and the beginning of globalization, it was necessary to technocratically renew the government and develop a new political doctrine in the face of the vulgar empiricism of the last generations that distinguished the PRI class. A little earlier, Daniel Cosío Villegas showed the exhaustion of authoritarian governance and coarseness that characterized Shared Development.

How valid the arguments of Manuel Camacho Solís and Daniel Cosío Villegas to understand the alternating state governments in Puebla! Only the PRI has political cadres to run the government! The other political parties are a hesitation that does not even reach a dark shadow. That is why Puebla is governed by PRI members of all political parties, the opposition to the PRI is simply annulled. PRI empiricism, no matter how vulgar and ordinary it may be represented, is the only way of effective governance in the face of chaos: an order at whatever cost.

The different spaces that parties other than the PRI have occupied at the municipal and state levels of authority are characterized by extreme disability. Now, the fear of alternating governments to the social movements that legitimately return to the streets to demand attention, well-being and spaces, impels the present government to return to PRI authoritarian governance. Before it was with the PAN Morenovallismo and now with the Morenista barboism, the incompetence overwhelms its dependencies and that is why PRI members are urgently needed.

Loyalty arguments to affirm and support characters from the old regime (better bad for known than good for knowing), are more incredible especially since most of the collaborators are defectors. How big is the betrayal, disloyalty and incompetence in the militancy of the other parties that it is necessary to return to the PRI?

The social, economic and political indicators that fail Puebla show us the type of public official who has been empowered by political alternation, but also holds society accountable; Every people has the government it deserves. What is the reason that President López Obrador does not pay a little attention to Puebla? Marta Eugenia García Ugarte finds the reasons in the extreme conservatism of Puebla.

The invasion of the narcorepública by the narco empire

 The invasion of the narcorepública by the narco empire

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The alleged US invasion of Mexico is a more than urgent need. The point is that the war must begin in the south of the American Union, particularly in states like Texas, Florida, Arizona or California.

Although the levels of violence have increased notably in the country, the case of Genaro García Luna illustrates that the bosses of the mafia and the real bosses of the cartels have established their centers of financing and economic power in North America, taking with them a large number of people, workers and hit men. Returning to George Friedman, Mexican drug companies have moved to North America, perhaps to conquer from there their share of the US market or to integrate with their Yankee partners.

The crisis of neoliberalism led to the fact that for a long time the caciques, cartel leaders, hitmen, accountants, traffickers and, in general, powerful men and women in drug trafficking structures, live comfortably in the southern United States, camouflaged as decent people and businessmen, they live in the neighborhoods, traffic lights, churches and prestigious restaurants with the bulk of the WASP population. The washing machines are, like García Luna's industries, on that side. It is necessary for the United States to throw all its weapons -including nuclear weapons- and have the greatest number of military troops available against the drug trafficking groups, but it is important to consider that these groups have moved to North America and from there they fluently manage the various businesses that strengthen their economic power and control structures over Mexico.

The conviction of the United States to seize Mexico is historic, it is not surprising because that is how it stole Texas and Northern Mexico, with strategies and forms full of abuse and cruelty. From a distance, nothing can oppose the purpose of the Yankee Empire now, since the condition of a Failed State that leaks everywhere is the main characteristic of a Mexicanness that, it is important to repeat, has its main mafia solidarity system in the south of USA.

The resources available to Mexico to defend itself count for nothing. Instead, the country must be cautious and allow the United States to intervene to subdue dissident groups in various regions. Northern Mexico no longer has any condition of governability and in several municipalities the power of organized crime is reflected in the families that have historically dominated their regions. The north of Mexico, which is the south of the United States, does not distinguish between Texas and Tamaulipas, for example, the attacks, settling of scores, levels of extreme violence, etc.; They are common.

Capitalism due to underdevelopment stimulates violence and informality, there are not always opportunities for North America to try to contribute to the formal governance of the country. Hence, the initiative of the American Republicans must be taken with courage and expect the strict attention of their armed forces. Hopefully they are more capable than General John Pershing, because we already know how punitive expeditions end. If the United States comes to liberate the regions controlled by drug traffickers and caciques, they are welcome; However, if they are only going to select new mercenaries, then drugs will continue to poison the youth of the United States, and the appearance of Mexamerica that will wipe out Mexico and the United States will be a reality in order to have full autonomy and the right of force to poison everyone. the world.