Frente Amplio (Broad Front). The Vox of Imperialism

Frente Amplio ( Broad Front). The Vox of Imperialism

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The last elections in Spain, where the far-right party VOX won significant electoral reservations, have come to confirm the merger between the Iberian and Mexican right-wing. The presence in the Motherland, and naturalization in its case, of Mexican political figures representative of the neoliberal era, shed light on business, economic policies favorable to the Iberian business community and, mainly, the majority delivery of the National Bank. VOX obeys the Francoist strategy that since the time of Cardenismo has been at the service of North American imperialism to recover -using itself as subordinates- the ashes of Spanish rule prior to 1898.

The Creole oligarchy used World War II and, particularly, the Cold War, to contain the emancipatory impulses of the Mexican revolution and promote an authoritarianism where the entire Hispanic community is at the service of the American Union. Like the PRI, Hispanic Catholic nationalism has always been tinsel. They are pro-Yankee in Europe and they are the most pro-Yankee in Latin America.

The Broad Front was born with all the support and assistance of the North American Deep State. There are neither citizens, nor parties, nor liberals, nor intellectuals, nor businessmen, in the Broad Front; dominates a series of covert agents of North American intelligence who seek to sabotage the political and economic process that began in 2018: The great transformation that can change the correlation of social, political and economic forces to reduce neo-extractivist neoliberalism that looms as a new geopolitics before the failure of democracy.

The Mexican neoliberals seek to be the general foremen of the Treasury that became Mexico. And so are its likely applicants. There is no awareness of the problems of the Mexican economic structure; On the contrary, his great concern is to obtain the permission of the Yankee empire to return to the neoliberal orbit and take his fat profits towards the Cantabrian Sea. The Embassy of the United States will be the main Bunker of the Broad Front, as well as the largest vein of financial resources.

However, the Broad Front does not have social and civic support. The neoliberal, electoral and managerial rhetoric of his proposal has nothing to do with a Mexico that in 2018 reacted to realize the color of its skin -that which the gueritocracy despises so much- and the economic vulnerability of the economy in the face of global crises such as covid-19 or drug trafficking. Without a State, there is no country, and as much as communism seems to neoliberal managers, the current world moment calls for developmentalist and Keynesian measures to say the least. It is not that the members of the Broad Front live the fantasy of liberal capitalist democracy, the truth is that they want to regain control in a stage that North American Imperialism builds as Neoextractivism. Will be able?

Emigration and drug trafficking have become macro-problems that the Failed Mexican State shares and infects the North American State. Increasingly, social anomie situations are found in the American South, the chaos of poverty radiates into US society, and problems of governance and social structure are also evident. Social conflicts and sabotage

generated by Yankee imperialism with the help of its Hispanic friends in Latin America have generated that violence, drug trafficking, crime and poverty are under the noses of the White House -literally-.

The Atlanticist geopolitics towards Latin America, and particularly towards Mexico, must change. Liberal capitalist democracy failed bizarrely as communism did, the struggle between the powers for the world distribution of territories requires greater benevolence and care from the Empire in the American continent.

The simony of the Law

 The simony of the Law

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The war against drug trafficking should have started in the public prosecutor's offices and the courts. It has always been known in Mexico that one of the main defects of the social order, and which has worsened exponentially during the neoliberal era, lies in the rule of law. During the last thirty years, the urgency has been established, indispensable to say the least, of a reform of the judiciary that finally allows justice to be established in the country and to abandon so much corruption, genocide and impunity that distinguish a country like Mexico because of the judges who represent the legal system.

Due to the above, it is incomprehensible that the government of Veracruz is attacked with such virulence for trying to correct the conduct of the representatives of the judiciary (state and federal) in that entity. Surely the powers that be and, mainly, the red circle, yearn for a narco-government or for it to be the order of mafia boss servitude, the one that imposes on the citizenry. It is enough to review the impunity rates, the number of cases reconsidered by judges, the sale of legal instruments for the acquittal of powerful criminals -there is not much difference between judges and the ecclesiastical hierarchy- and more elements of the Chicano legal tradition, to understand that the executive head of Veracruz is doing the right thing.

The variables of impunity and rule of law are not minor data when talking about democratic consolidation. They are central elements. At the very moment of the creation of the Federal Electoral Institute and the political alternation in the year 2000, there was talk of the need for transitional justice and zero tolerance for impunity. The advancement of democracy in a significant way depends on this, not only on procedural elections.

The country has delayed legal reform for decades and the consequence has been a situation of impunity, low-intensity warfare, criminality and femicides, which puts us on the brink of a failed state. A few days ago, a study that seeks to delegitimize the Fourth Transformation pointed out that 80% of the national territory is in the hands of organized crime; Apart from the government, what is the responsibility of the judiciary in this social configuration? The issue of impunity leaves no room for doubt. Mexico is a territory of impunity thanks to the judiciary.

Despite the outrageous corruption of the judiciary, the media does not take notice. Few talk about the families of governors, magistrates, and other public officials who control the state and federal judiciary. Nobody talks about the certification of the legal career and much less about the transparency in the trials that are controlled by the most powerful legal and corporate firms.

The red circle and the media exhibit themselves fully when defending the corrupting power of the national legal sphere, they only have to comment to the people as Queen Marie Antoinette did. And don't be surprised when the Mexican people respond to you in the same way as the French Revolution.

The historic defeat of the Atlacomulco Group

 The historic defeat of the Atlacomulco Group

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

There is a perspective of the Mexican political system that considers the Atlacomulco Group central within the Revolutionary Family. Their survival can now be located in the business sector, highlighting their role in the media -particularly in the case of LatinUS- where they cultivate sensationalism to make politics and more money; whichever comes first.

For this reason, the triumph of Morena in the State of Mexico is highly significant. EDOMEX represents one of the entities with the greatest economic capacity in the country, as well as a high electoral profitability. However, it is difficult to accept the idea of electoral realignment, as well as a landslide victory for Maestra Delfina. The metropolitan area shared by CDMX and EDOMEX constitutes a political reserve for the opposition, which also shows the exhaustion of leftist governments in the area. However, the most important thing to note is manifested in the operational capacity of the PRI structure to generate a highly competitive process. Morena's triumph is irrefutable, although the PRI and the Atlacomulcos endured twelve rounds on their feet.

The case of Coahuila is not minor, although it wants to disdain it. The history of drug trafficking in the region provides data to understand that, in addition to votes, the opposition electoral alliance seeks investors and raw materials to stay in the fight against Morena. Adding the PRI resistance of EDOMEX and Coahuila, the Atlacomulco Group breathes and aspires, and will continue to steal a lot, indisputably.

For this reason, more important than the electoral outcome in both entities, it is necessary to point out the catalytic consequences that the event had within Morena. From the sensible electoral celebration they moved to the internal competition for the presidential candidacy, accelerating the succession times and breaking down the scenario, a bit, for López Obrador.

Despite the fact that Marcelo Ebrard's conduct confuses acceleration with rationality and Atlacomulco with Solidarity, it is important to point out that the times for the chancellor are more than exhausted. Gutiérrez Canet at some point compared him to Ezequiel Padilla and the similarity was not idle at all.

In accordance with the popular rhythm that the alternation and the pulse of the Moreno republic have followed, Ebrard is completely removed from this dynamic. It is not only necessary to point out the lack of nationalism that characterized his work as a diplomat, the complete absence in the defense of Mexico and the identification with the neoliberal economic model. It is that the SRE constitutes a political cemetery or institution designated for ostracism. Given the conditions of imperialism and colonialism that Mexico is experiencing, what can be done from there for the country is useless, when not, marked as foreign to the country. It does not mean that the SRE lacks competent personnel, it is that nothing can be done for Mexico from there. And the current foreign minister did not even make a worthy use of the weapons of the weak - as Sola Ayape and Loaeza say - international law and multilateral organizations. The SRE is the wet dog of the United States and its profile is unworthy for many Mexicans. Just remember the accusations against Ignacio Bonillas and Ezequiel Padilla for their technocratic pro-Yankeeism.

Although Ebrard is the project of the Atlacomulco Group, his candidacy is made for the citizen movement that likes to lose by abandonment and absence. Absence from Mexico as the one that marks Ebrard's trajectory in the last decade.

The defeat of the Atlacomulco Group encourages them to consider that Ebrard could be the next Ernesto Zedillo, but the script has already been leaked.

Redesigning Latin American presidentialism

Redesigning Latin American presidentialism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The crises of the presidential systems in Latin America begin to break, as Juan Linz exposed, the weak delegative democracies of the subcontinent. And, in a particular way, in Mexico every time you can see a polarization of cliques that seem to seek the collapse of the political system.

The truth is that, outside of the United States of America, presidentialism is the most dangerous form of government to consolidate a democracy and constitutes the sure path to failure. For this reason, Latin American presidents -and the case of Mexico is unique- require institutional modifications that regulate the mechanisms and incentives of the presidential model and adapt it to their own contexts.

Analysts and academics who point out the need for US dynamics in Latin American presidentialism are flatly lying. In Mexico there is a whole legal and scientific justification to show that only with the supremacy of the Executive Branch, more or less, presidentialism works in an uneven way. To expose something else is to justify the coup or the civil war.

Governments in Mexico that have implemented crucial projects for the transformation of the country need decrees and, on occasions, frank contempt for the division of powers. Mexico is not the United States. Mexico has not been a liberal capitalist democracy, not even a polyarchy but just a failed delegative democracy where previous presidents to the López Obrador case, have governed with their backs to the constitution but with the permission of the corrupting patrimonialism that Mexican public officials and particularly to businessmen. Where were the great critics of AMLO and his peculiar style of governing when before they justified all the violations, extortions and scandals of the Mexican constitution?

It is only enough to compare the six-year term of López Obrador with that of Enrique Peña Nieto to find out who has betrayed Mexico. However, what is notable does not consist in the six-year witch hunts but in reformulating the presidential model and adapting it to our conditions and historical speed.

The emphasis on the context makes us consistent and our country is not the American Union, nor France or England. Mexico requires many political, economic and social transformations that inaugurate an institutionalization process so that the country does not invent itself every six years. Mexico needs a Charles de Gaulle to invent the 5th Republic because the Fourth does not convince the factions and colonialist cliques.

MORENA GOES

 MORENA goes

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

How important is the failure of liberal capitalist democracy for Mexican society? These days, different demoscopic studies have been established to demonstrate the social support for Lopezobradorism and the inability of the opposition coalition to show off a competitive political proposal.

According to the interpretation of the electoral topics, it is confirmed that the modernizing and liberal path for the country is closed. Although the immediate past indicated that the possibility of a country project went through three ideas: nationalist, conservative and liberal; the truth is that the latter has died of starvation.

The project of liberal capitalist democracy has been evidenced as a cultural and symbolic montage by the commentocracy, the neoliberal transitological discourse and the golden bureaucracy of the federal government in the fateful years of the Salinista and post-Salinista era.

Like any immaterial and malicious project, it had no positive impact on the Mexican reality.

Neoliberalism made Mexican authoritarianism more informal and chained - enslaved - the country to the United States. The idea of "Wild Liberalism" that equivocally describes what has happened in Mexico, points to the impoverishing factionalism that has prevailed in Mexico since pre-Columbian times and that is configured as an autochthonous anarchism that condemns vulnerability to the outside world.

The fragility of the Mexican political system vis-à-vis the exterior is shown in the failure of the neoliberal project and democracy through competitive elections. The national populist model promoted by MORENA has the legitimate support of the masses and a regional political migration is taking shape that pragmatically gives full strength to the morenista trend towards 2024.

Whoever aspires to exercise political leadership cannot but get involved with Morena and, suddenly, such a condition sounds excessive because it revitalizes the Mexican clientelist culture to the extreme.

The neoliberal discourse of the democratic transition failed because it had neither impact nor leverage. Because it did not promote a true liberal culture -civic, not savage-, it did not close the gaps of inequality and it did not strengthen the nation state.

The institutions of the Mexican State were riddled with bullets by the neoliberals and thus ended up creating the lopezobradorismo.

Now neoliberalism is associated with the conservative project, but it does not leave the technocratic, legaloid, civil and economic discourse; now also anti-communist, generally false, who cannot increase his electoral chances. How will there be different results if they want to do the same in these years?

The tragedy of neoliberalism drags with it Mexican liberalism and tries to fold it into a Chilean or North American-style neoconservatism. Liberalism has the task of returning to Juarismo and rescuing the vision that the enlightened generation of 1857 had for the country. The

The nationalist vision is also open to liberalism, but it must avoid the outbursts that divided the caudillismo and the constitutionalist perspective; With this, as can be seen in the Porfirian dictatorship, only the chaplaincy triumphs and, sometimes, we all lose.