The historic defeat of the Atlacomulco Group
Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero
There is a perspective of the Mexican political system that considers the Atlacomulco Group central within the Revolutionary Family. Their survival can now be located in the business sector, highlighting their role in the media -particularly in the case of LatinUS- where they cultivate sensationalism to make politics and more money; whichever comes first.
For this reason, the triumph of Morena in the State of Mexico is highly significant. EDOMEX represents one of the entities with the greatest economic capacity in the country, as well as a high electoral profitability. However, it is difficult to accept the idea of electoral realignment, as well as a landslide victory for Maestra Delfina. The metropolitan area shared by CDMX and EDOMEX constitutes a political reserve for the opposition, which also shows the exhaustion of leftist governments in the area. However, the most important thing to note is manifested in the operational capacity of the PRI structure to generate a highly competitive process. Morena's triumph is irrefutable, although the PRI and the Atlacomulcos endured twelve rounds on their feet.
The case of Coahuila is not minor, although it wants to disdain it. The history of drug trafficking in the region provides data to understand that, in addition to votes, the opposition electoral alliance seeks investors and raw materials to stay in the fight against Morena. Adding the PRI resistance of EDOMEX and Coahuila, the Atlacomulco Group breathes and aspires, and will continue to steal a lot, indisputably.
For this reason, more important than the electoral outcome in both entities, it is necessary to point out the catalytic consequences that the event had within Morena. From the sensible electoral celebration they moved to the internal competition for the presidential candidacy, accelerating the succession times and breaking down the scenario, a bit, for López Obrador.
Despite the fact that Marcelo Ebrard's conduct confuses acceleration with rationality and Atlacomulco with Solidarity, it is important to point out that the times for the chancellor are more than exhausted. Gutiérrez Canet at some point compared him to Ezequiel Padilla and the similarity was not idle at all.
In accordance with the popular rhythm that the alternation and the pulse of the Moreno republic have followed, Ebrard is completely removed from this dynamic. It is not only necessary to point out the lack of nationalism that characterized his work as a diplomat, the complete absence in the defense of Mexico and the identification with the neoliberal economic model. It is that the SRE constitutes a political cemetery or institution designated for ostracism. Given the conditions of imperialism and colonialism that Mexico is experiencing, what can be done from there for the country is useless, when not, marked as foreign to the country. It does not mean that the SRE lacks competent personnel, it is that nothing can be done for Mexico from there. And the current foreign minister did not even make a worthy use of the weapons of the weak - as Sola Ayape and Loaeza say - international law and multilateral organizations. The SRE is the wet dog of the United States and its profile is unworthy for many Mexicans. Just remember the accusations against Ignacio Bonillas and Ezequiel Padilla for their technocratic pro-Yankeeism.
Although Ebrard is the project of the Atlacomulco Group, his candidacy is made for the citizen movement that likes to lose by abandonment and absence. Absence from Mexico as the one that marks Ebrard's trajectory in the last decade.
The defeat of the Atlacomulco Group encourages them to consider that Ebrard could be the next Ernesto Zedillo, but the script has already been leaked.