Monreal, the traitor

 Monreal, the traitor

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the dissidence of Senator Ricardo Monreal is intended to be evidenced as an act of rupture within Morena, the truth is that since the beginning of the six-year term, a distancing of Monrealism could already be seen with respect to the uses and customs that began in the National Regeneration Movement. to prevail as forms of proposing candidacies. The Monrealist faction has always considered that it has a special capacity for political power, which is why it surpasses other groups and characters.

Ricardo Monreal lacks a political project and even an ideology. He does not propose a model for a nation, nor has he been clear in the ideas that he has regarding the future of Mexico. His pragmatic search for power has been pointed out since his time as a PRI militant and throughout the exercise of government that they have had -in the caciquil side- within the state of Zacatecas.

In the piracy of presidential candidates carried out by the opposition to Morena, the senator has received an invitation from both the PRIANRD coalition and the Movimiento Ciudadano to articulate a competitive bloc against Lopezobradorism. Is this the best policy that the opposition can do? The invitation to Monrealism to fight AMLO shows the contempt that the groups of the Mexican oligarchy have for the country and the absolute aporophobia that distinguishes them.

The crisis of liberal capitalist democracy has reached the extreme of exhausting even the minimal ideas of a dignified opposition in Mexico. The opposition is moved by spite and resentment, envy and revenge. The selection of Ricardo Monreal as the opposition candidate would represent the total loss of PRIANRD and MC, the abandonment of political competition and the selection of the total fight against the Fourth Transformation. The traditional political parties in Mexico are living a decomposition that has turned them into zombies in the current scenario, they have passed over their militancy, platforms, history and principles; Quite simply, they lost the reasons for their existence.

The possibilities of including Monreal in a dark coalition against Morena raises the construction of an anti-Mexico. The denial and hatred of the country that was observed marching alongside López Obrador this past Sunday.

The Great March in support of Lopezobradorism is a message for everyone, especially the opposition. At first another Ricardo, Anaya, seemed to have understood the message; you have to know the Deep Mexico to gain the true Mexico. The President has said it almost every day at morning masses. But if someone abandoned the Suave Patria it was neoliberalism, the PRIANRD and now the MC of Montereich; It is important to accept the neoliberal failure and the mistakes of liberal democracy via competitive elections to reunite with Mexico. As long as the opposition does not assume the errors and criticisms of their position, they will represent the anti-Mexico that polarizes and enervates a lethargic but violent and anarchist society when it is proposed.

Atlanticism versus Eurasia

 Atlanticism versus Eurasia

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The war in Ukraine causes great paradoxes that consolidate the ambiguity of the moment, it seems that Russia is beginning to recover the territory of the Slavo-Baltic civilization and, on the other hand, the West is advancing Atlanticism despite the pandemic and the economic crisis they represent severe problems for the whole world.

The Ukraine-Russia war is probably showing its true radical face, beyond the dispute for "the heart of the world" on the great continental island, the whole purpose is to confront China or try to persuade it for a cooperation between super powers. With the People's Republic of China, America claims what it could not achieve in the 20th century; rule the Pacific. The Atlanticist Anglo-Saxon order has not been able to subdue Asian domination. During these first years of the 21st century, it has been possible to observe that Asian culture begins not only to take over the Pacific, but also to perfect and build a new silk route. For the North American Deep State, the enemy was not Vladimir Putin or Russia, but the asian giant.

The Western crisis is far-reaching and America does not want to see it, since doing so would imply accepting that its economy is in decline and Yankee imperialism cannot control the world.

What at one time seemed like a new delirium of Operation Red Beard, reveals hidden stages and scenarios, the United States is intervening in the Ukrainian-Russian war to obtain Chinese financing and solve its economic crisis, and even build a new diarchy with the Asians to rule the world.

In both scenarios, Latin America and -particularly Mexico- are facing a complicated situation. While it is true that Chinese influence in Latin America has been scant, despite the enormous racial and cultural ties that extends in a millennial way; The constant presence of Mister Danger in Latin America means that, whatever the prospective scenario, we cannot escape the hegemony of the North American State.

Perhaps it is time to assume the integration with North America and understand the impossibility of our historical, religious, economic and political utopias. The Ukraine-Russia war has left a series of deaths as a product of imperialist ambition, it is a pity for human evolution that political interests prevail over humans

Woldenberg, Presidential?

 Woldenberg, Presidential?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The march in defense of the INE generated varied perspectives on the behavior of civil society and the conservative opposition in Mexico. One of the points that stands out is the proposal to place José Woldenberg as one of the candidates to lead the opposition candidacy for the presidency of the republic. In addition to the many significant errors that the march for the INE generated, this idea of ​​launching Woldenberg for the conquest of the federal government is a sign of the bias of the PRIANRD alliance and its affection for the Americanist referees.

During the final stage of the PRI's hegemony, the IFE developed more than a citizenization process, a stage of withdrawing control of the elections from the federal government. However, if one is to be honest, this reality never happened. The different governments, of the different parties, of the different administrative levels, get into the kitchen of the elections and nothing can be done to prevent it. Citizenship was a mask, cotton candy full of poison, to hide the truth, that the political and oligarchic class does not allow society to participate in the free election of its rulers. Even the ill-gotten citizenship was followed by the prosecution process that -as every Mexican knows- only benefits lawyers. In this last sense, for example, if legal intermediation has been more successful as an alternative mechanism to solve public and private legal problems, we already understand what judicialization means: corruption.

José Woldenberg did what he could, which was very little. It is true that independent elections were achieved that allowed alternation. But it didn't help much, democratic quality in Mexico never existed and the elections only allowed PRI members of all political parties to govern us.

Woldenberg's departure from the IFE ended up revealing a stinking and corrupt institution where the moches for the elections were arranged. It is not Woldenberg's fault but those who followed.

So, then, what could Woldenberg do now? Any. As he did in the nineties. Gradualist changes that never achieved something positive for Mexican democracy, there are the indicators of the three decades of democratic transition via competitive elections. The Mexican transition lacked democrats and the IFE/INE is the one that needs it the most.

Worse still, according to Maurice Duverger's elitist theory regarding Real and Apparent Bosses. The march in defense of the INE revealed the inner circle that rules over Woldenberg, you don't need to be a great political scientist to understand that they are using, corrupting, the figure of Woldenberg to implement his disgusting interests. Woldenberg in the presidency would be a puppet of the worst Mexicans.

Anti-communism, Catholic nationalism and geopolitics. The impact on Mexico. Book Review

 Anti-communism, Catholic nationalism and geopolitics. The impact on Mexico.

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López, Samuel Schmidt, editorial:

Montiel and Soriano Publishers, 2021

 

BOOK REVIEW

By Arely Lucas Abundio, Brayan Martínez Martínez and Luis Ángel Isidro Bonilla, students of the Bachelor of Political Science at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences. Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla.

The book is a reflection on anti-communism as a geopolitical factor, and analyzes it in three periods: prior to the Second World War, during the cold war and in the post-communism period.

As the pages of this political analysis are turned, several questions appear: how do these ideologies affect Mexico? Did anti-communism trigger the 1968 student massacre? Is López Obrador a communist? What defines us as political scientists?

Reading this research allows us to understand the evolution of an ideology and myth that provided Mexicans with a false vision of the world and a partial view of history; anti-communism legitimized authoritarian actions by political, economic and social leaders who claimed to protect the homeland at any cost.

The historical analysis led the authors to find in Poland's Catholic nationalism a fundamental factor for the development of global anti-communism. They recover the trajectory of intransigent integral Catholic political thought, -for example, of Vladimir Ledochowski- that places the Freemasons, Jews and Russians as enemies, although after the October revolution anti-communism is added, which irradiates the anti-Bolshevik experience towards Europe. from the East and that, hand in hand with the Vatican, reaches Latin America and Mexico.

The Intermarium was a project that will allow Poland to protect its sovereignty. After the fall of the tsarist empire and the survival of the Orthodox Church, Poland was characterized by its defense of the anti-communist movement to preserve its political-religious integrity and be a future buffer against the Soviet Union and Germany.

The geopolitical interest of the Catholic Church in Poland is essential to maintain itself as a religious hegemon in Eastern Europe, highlighting the need for the Holy See to create a perfect Christian society, the City of God on earth, but at the same time showing a face radical, authoritarian and papolatra.

Anti-communism becomes a converging element of the European and Cold War wars of the last century, and out of a fervent struggle for the new world order, this process spreads everywhere under the leadership of the United States of America. America.

The Polish Intermarium project will have as its main objective to stop the spread of communism by displaying a series of narratives and actions that will unleash conservative and religious phobias towards Freemasons, Jews and communists, while at the same time being essential to explain the vision of Catholic nationalism.

Latin American countries, characterized by the great influence of Catholicism and extreme Spanish-American conservatism, adopt the US national security project governed by the Intermarium.

Mexico was one of the countries most aided by anti-communism, Catholic nationalism, Francoist influence and secret societies financed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Francoism manipulated the question of Hispanidad to turn Spanish spiritual imperialism into a quintessential conservatism that denies the virtues of liberal democracy, but fights head-on against communism. Ibero-American conservatism highlights the attachment to the hierarchy of the Catholic Church and its influence in all social spheres.

The anti-communist right in Latin America has a long history, accompanying the religious and authoritarian character of the oligarchies. During World War II, its presence grew stronger and, over time, it established itself as an ally of US imperialism. The set of strategies against the USSR will mark the stage of the dirty war against the Latin American left. The thread that the text discovers between Nazi-fascism and Yankee imperialism, evidences the link between the Intermarium and North American Atlanticism.

Based on the influence of the Intermarium on the secret societies of Catholic nationalism, the book analyzes the consequences that an ideology such as anti-communism can bring to the political culture of Mexico. The conservative culture not only tries to prevent left-wing parties from reaching power and forming a government, but also influences the authoritarian patrimonialism represented by the different political groups that have reached the presidency of Mexico, cacique corporatism and the lack of solidity for a authentic liberal democratic culture.

The gap of inequality, marginalization, vulnerability and impunity is the ideal breeding ground for authoritarianism. The Intermarium is reborn in the new right-wing wave in the world, with strong Russophobia without the USSR and non-communist Russia; promoting the hegemony of the United States and the Catholic Church now in the dispute for the world order after neoliberalism and covid-19.

Communism and anti-communism caused a stir in political systems around the world. It is important to question to what extent they were struggles against imperialism and for national emancipation.

This essay explains the validity of the ideas, hatreds, contradictions and dialectics of an anti-communism that is still present in Mexico and that has a presence in many social sectors.

The anti-communist discourse in our country is socialized on a daily basis, although the Mexican Republic does not have a communist party, but the memory of 1968 and the destruction of the revolutionary guerrillas makes clear the force of Catholic nationalism in the anti-liberal political culture of our society.

Taken from: Latinoture Magazine (2022 November)

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Mexico-Poland: a far-right party Hector Alejandro Quintanar

Mexico-Poland: a far-right party

Hector Alejandro Quintanar

The World Cup in Qatar is approaching and, as Bertrand Russell recommended about soccer, it is time to think about humans and their political disputes. Within this framework, on November 22, Mexico will face Poland in the debut of both teams in the fair. Time to remember ideological links in both countries.

As he did in recent days to invite the march in defense of the INE, on July 2, 2005 Vicente Fox also invited the right-wing –both the assumed and the shameful– to take over the Angel of Independence to celebrate the day of democracy Disguised as a remembrance of the alternation in 2000, the act was an attempt to show strength in the streets, since the obradorismo had recently overwhelmed them against the authoritarianism of lawlessness, and the 2006 election was approaching. Fox's act had as a star guest the former Polish president Lech Walesa, stamp of Catholicism turned into a political project, whose presence sought to shine a stage dominated by figures from the Mexican ultra-right, such as Luis Luege or Velasco Arzac.

More than anecdotal, the event was a reminder. Researchers and journalists such as Samuel Schmidt, Diego Velázquez, Patricia Campos or Maciek Wisniewski have pointed out a crucial fact. At the beginning of the 20th century, Intermarium was a Central European geopolitical project that sought to unite countries between the Baltic and the Black Sea, with centrality in Poland, to form an ideological wall against the Russian revolution, based on one element: geopolitical anti-communism with Catholic roots. , which since the 19th century has been obsessed with an alleged Jewish-communist conspiracy to dominate the world, an obsession that masked an anti-secular and anti-enlightenment crusade.

Just 100 years ago, Pius XI (formerly nuncio to Poland) was elected Pope, an emissary of an intransigent conservatism and an admirer of the theses of the Polish Intermarium, which were also an inspiration for Mexican far-right organizations such as Los Tecos and El Yunque. Thus, Central European Catholicism – afraid that the Jews would found their State there – and the Mexican post-Cristero veins, opposed to constitutional secularism, had communicating vessels, both united by fear of the Jewish-communist conspiracy. The connections are not trivial: already in the cold war, the Vatican took up the theses of Intermarium promoting reserved groups in Latin America, which led to this intolerant inertia having a place in Mexico –as was the case in Puebla– and later found space in bread. From Warsaw to Cholula, the threat was one: the Judeo-Freemasons-Communists.

One hundred years after the accession of Pius XI; 100 years after the rise of the Intermarium, 100 years after the USSR was consolidated (and then dissolved), today in Mexico a conclave is coming: a forum in Mexico City on November 18 and 19 organized by the Political Conference de Acción Conservadora (CPAC), with exhibitions, among others, by Pinochetista Antonio Kast or Mr. Javier Milei, a madman who represents that sector of people who, unable to socialize healthily with others, disguise their antipathy as an ideology of exacerbated individualism. The axis of that forum is predictable: the reactionary counterculture against reproductive and sexual minority rights; mix anti-communism and anti-populism, and regurgitate geopolitical conspiracies, perhaps Cuban, Venezuelan or even Russian again.

Who will complete the conclave? Lech Walesa, who today, like 17 years ago, will once again be in Mexico to wash the face of reactionary groups with the prestige of his Nobel Prize, just as Vargas Llosa does, flattering Díaz Ayuso in Madrid or urging them to vote for Bolsonaro. With Walesa will be Eduardo Verástegui, a Mexican actor who became an ideologue of this post-Cold War right, in a touch of entertainment reminiscent of when Alicia Villarreal, singing, gave a better and more profound speech than Fox's in that meeting at the Angel in July from 2005.

The traces of intransigent Polish and Mexican conservatism have been connected. While in Poland that expression governs, in Mexico it lies in an opposition that is supposedly diverse but that is less and less afraid of being articulated with each other, headed by unpresentables (as was the cocktail of liberals marching with electoral delinquents to save the INE), while the right dura becomes visible as it is, as in the CPAC forum.

In 100 years much of the world has changed, but in the global party of reaction, whether Polish or Mexican, its right wingers remain anchored in the 18th century, while those who believe they are centers or brilliant forwards do not realize that they share the field with retrogrades more than they wanted. I wish the field that is being talked about here was not political, but soccer.

Taken from: 

Periódico La Jornada. 16 de Noviembre de 2022

Semanario El Reto. 17 de Noviembre de 2022 

Salinas, a difficult step to modernity

 Salinas, a difficult step to modernity

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The Spanish nationalization of Carlos Salinas de Gortari is a sign of severe conflicts in the ideological vision of the former president of Mexico, although it is true that some time ago he had pointed out the detachment from the strict neoliberal model, by adopting the Iberian nationality of the Mother Country, to the fret with an important cluster of ideas regarding Mexican modernization. As ruler, Salinas generated one of the prominent philosophies to catalyze the development of Mexico and bring it closer to the United States of America, as a former president and person, the option for Spanish naturalization ends up demonstrating that Mexican modernization, like the Spanish, is simply impossible .

The first question generated by the adoption of the new nationality of Salinas, was why Spain? In a strict sense, Hispanidad denies neoliberalism. Carlos Salinas, like Mario Vargas Llosa, aspire to liberalism in a utopian sense, since the concrete decisions that represent them end up accommodating the anti-liberal European Middle Ages. If Salinas, like Lorenzo Zavala, had adopted North American nationality; Despite also being described as a traitor to Mexico, at least he would have been consistent with the political economic thinking that he defended throughout his six-year term. The technocratic thought of Salinism was forged at Harvard, not on the Camino de Santiago; but anyway.

Salinas's decision to trace his Spanish ancestry and promote the adoption of the Iberian identity makes him very similar to José López Portillo. By the way, one of the administrations where he participated and the project of the Group of the Programming and Budget Secretariat was taking shape; And if Jolopo, being the most cultured president the country has ever had, ended up being one of the craziest administrations in the history of the Mexican political system, will CSG end up being a numerary Francoist technocrat of Opus Dei? Being Spanish is synonymous with failure, and perhaps for this reason neither the most nationalistic president nor the most prepared were of any use.

The adoption of Spanishness by Salinas de Gortari mistakenly baptizes the neoliberal project, recognizes that Mexican modernization is impossible and endorses the ideas of Samuel Huntington regarding the useless Mexican assimilation to Western culture. Salinas recognizes the inertia and power of the Spanish camorra to belong to the oligarchic impunity.

Spain, like Latin America, is essentially illiberal. That then the facade that was neoliberalism can be evidenced. The great Mexican tragedy has been the inability to build an intermediate route between Spain and the United States, the two development references that have historically been offered. Mexico will never be like the United States, but it is a gross mistake to follow the path of Spanish failure.