The Mexican Episcopate and its defense of the INE-Habsburg

 The Mexican Episcopate and its defense of the INE-Habsburg

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Democracy via competitive elections in Mexico, the long voted transition, died because it did not produce any improvement for the country, specifically of not influencing or certifying the development of the quality of democracy. After 2006, what has become evident is that the electoral arena is part of the bureaucratic patrimonialism that does not want to change and that, in the face of the crisis in the post-covid world, does not understand the need to rebuild the national state. The INE/IFE strengthened discretion, concerted concessions, caciquil feuderalism and corruption. The electoral route was only enough for the delegative democracies that produce so much ungovernability in Latin America, the electoral advisers -especially after Woldenberg- never worried about developing the bases of liberal capitalist democracy in society and, above all, in the rulers. The INE/IFE represents the democratic failure in Mexico.

In order to analyze the intervention of the CEM in what transcends the INE, it is important to observe the way in which PLAN B affects the interests of the prelates and clerical bureaucracy. What affects the country's important religious leaders is that the electoral reform harms the golden bureaucracies -including that of the INE- and takes away the space of influence for the organizations and intellectuals of the Mexican right. The intransigent catholicity tries to maintain its territories of influence, those that allow it to lobby and manage the evolution of the country. Some of the INE advisers maintain important links with the geopolitical purposes of the Holy See, but also with the economic classes that benefited from the neoliberal model. Lorenzo Córdova represents what Latin American sociologists call the “Habsburg Model”, that is, the feudal, patrimonial, caciquil order, based on the Iberian caste system and, above all, on the exploitation of an impoverished mass sustained by hunger. millennial. And don't you understand the reasons why populism has a Latin American patent? Loris Zannata, in the UNAM magazine, explains the deep roots of Jesuit populism. Catholicism is as populist, or more, than AMLO; with a difference, lopezobradorismo seeks to regenerate the Mexican State and catholicity only thinks of the Spiritual Absolutism of the Holy Roman Germanic Empire that, sometimes, not even the Habsburgs themselves understand, as is the case of the poor Austrian fool they brought to Mexico to promote another Counter-Reformation.

During the long electoral transition the political capital of the Catholic Church was extended to too many institutions of the Mexican political system; furthermore, the interventionist nature of the Holy See's uncompromising integral Catholicism is felt in various quarters. Morena's reform seeks to separate the INE from the powers that be. Hence the complaint from the high bureaucrats of the Mexican Catholic clergy, who are defending their fields and do not want to lose capital, influence and budget.

The political scientist Fredo Arias Kung has established critical paths to Christian democracy in Latin America and particularly in Mexico for its inability and complicity to inhibit a liberal, capitalist and modern society. The ecclesiastical bureaucracy in Mexico is linked to oligarchs, drug traffickers, abusive businessmen, caciques, authoritarianism and populism: Were Onésimo Cepeda and Marcial Maciel interested in the question of democracy? One only has to trace a little in the lineage of the high clergy to understand their attachment to the Habsburg Model of the Feudalist Treasury. The Ecclesiastical Bureaucracy and the Christian democracy are the least interested in a democratic transition; indeed, the historical ruptures would annul their capacity for intervention, management and manipulation.

The CEM uses the political thought of Catholic nationalism attached more to fascism than to democracy, they do not care that the country develops, but that Mexico continues under their control. Even in the CEM, political thought prior to the Second Vatican Council prevails and they don't even come close to learning what Mario Bergoglio seeks to change global Catholicism. The CEM's defense of the INE will be respectable when they first address Pope Francis and Liberation Theology.

Around 1924, the Delahuertista rebellion -supported by the high clergy- ended up causing a more than deep division in the armed forces and, at the same time, the influence of the United States in matters of political succession. Subsequently, the Mexican bishops manipulated the Cristero conflict to enter the political system and cohabit with the Revolutionary Family, a coexistence that they continued until they reached power in 2000 to consolidate the Habsburg Model of society and avoid democratic consolidation. The advantage in the neoliberal model was for the right; However, as Arias Kung says, they were not interested in an authentic democracy, they did not seek ruptures or transformations so that Mexico would change politically, socially and economically. Neoliberalism deepened bureaucratic patrimonialism for the benefit of the exterior; now, revolutionary nationalism only tries to compensate the impoverished masses and the state historically. It is fair and necessary.

Isn't that Claudia? Is it Augustus?

 Isn't that Claudia? Is it Augustus?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Since 1994, the President of the Republic is subject to clear rules on succession within his political institute, that is, the designation of the candidate who intends to extend the domain of a partisan administration; However, one of the most current myths in our country is Tapadism, that is, the idea that the President chooses a successor in the candidate of his organization: the successor, who prepares with great care, and who occupies the thought of the commentators, who describe it in a generic way due to its invisibility. This political game complicates matters and is a sign of what it takes to have a civic political culture.

Once the alternation arrived in Mexico, the practice of tapadism has also been a temptation for the PAN and now for Morena. For this party, the hope of imposing the successor, or successor, seems to falter before the wear and tear of the internal struggle, which is beginning to be perceived in the government results and its corruption with political clientelism.

For some groups, the failure of Claudia Sheinbaum's candidacy and the spectacular appearance of Adán Augusto López, a native of Tabasco, like the President, and member of a family linked to power, is more than evident. The head of government and her presidential aspirations, on her part, begin to diminish thanks to her erratic administration as head of government of CDMX and the lack of political independence in the face of opposition media attacks.

Adán Augusto, like other secretaries of the interior who have reached the country's first magistracy, has begun to govern early, with the permission of the executive, in many matters and with little criticism to his credit, except for the repeated provocations of a brother of the President, who insists on supporting Sheinbaum.

An authoritarian culture tends to pay tribute to strong leaders who achieve their objectives even if they are wrong, acting promptly by defining specific objectives. This is how the behavior of the government secretary is understood, who well understands the role of being the subject closest to AMLO.

The President will have no other option than to allow the person who has developed the governance mechanisms to pass. But this behavior has not always been a reflection of the ideas of the Fourth Transformation, from which Adán Augusto López seems to be further removed than Marcelo Ebrard and, perhaps for this reason, the Secretary of the Interior captivates and cultivates the affections of AMLO's opponents. . In any case, Adán Augusto will be the most practical candidate and at times the most rational of the prospects despite his progressivism.

Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

 Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although it is true that an important tendency of the National Action Party is identified with a foolproof civilism, even this commitment cannot be removed from the historical reality of the country. A few decades ago, when the possibilities of presidential alternation loomed, Carlos Castillo Peraza reflected on a Pact of Oblivion regarding the regime of the Mexican revolution and the importance of modifying the lyrics of the National Anthem to project peace and harmony that distinguishes a democratic context. again regimen. However, although this way of reflecting on the country's political course dispensed with the authoritarianism exercised by the Official Party -especially in its military aspect- it did not detract from the centrality of the armed forces.

Symbols are symbols, they signify and resignify, reinterpret and feed the search for meaning. In political culture it is a basic lesson. Santiago Creel's conduct allows us to glimpse his conservative, pro-Yankee and feudal latifundista lineage. Mexican politicians are a time machine; the Fourth Transformation is accused of trying to restore the regime of the Mexican revolution, but Creel wants to build a North American neo-Porfirismo.

The Mexican Army, particularly the one that is the product of the Mexican Revolution, has performed the most noble and heroic tasks in recent years. The Armed Forces are the true Revolutionary Family that supported the existence of the country with pins in the most voracious century of US geopolitics. The sacred work of sacrifice is the daily sphere of the Mexican military, especially since the PAN launched them into a war with their hands tied and for the benefit of North American imperialism. At least, due to the river of blood spilled corresponding to thousands of Mexican soldiers, it is not at all questionable that the national arms can accompany the patriotic flag wherever it is, the Mexican military are the only ones that can carry the national flag with dignity, contrary to many other Mexicans, mainly politicians.

I disagree with Carlos Castillo Peraza, the National Anthem should not be modified one iota. Mexican nationalism has a lot of homework to do for an incomprehensible country that, despite everything, moves, advances and - paradoxically - slowly recovers what imperialist pirates stole from it in the past.

When the PAN was the party of the long march, it could not bear any affront to the patriotic flag. In the political demonstrations called and not infrequently repressed, he demanded reparation -With the march of the armed forces!- to the Mexican flags that they used to demand the cancellation of electoral fraud. And yes, they were right. So then, what does the Mexican Army mean for the PAN? Are the armed forces only admirable when they are at the service of the anti-communists? Wouldn't it be more dignified for the PAN to recognize that it sent the Mexican Army into a suicidal war on instructions? from the United States? In that Kafkaesque Mexicanness, Genaro García Luna is being more coherent in acknowledging that in all his miserable performance he only obeyed orders, from the gringos! Why doesn't Santiago Creel propose himself, along with Eduardo Verástegui, as candidates for the presidency of the United States of America?

The false criticism that Santiago Creel wants to make of Mexican militarism is going to result in something worse. He did not defend any sovereignty, he committed one of the most serious institutional contempts against the Mexican soldier, the Mexican revolution and, let's be honest, the national soldier who represents a racial stereotype marginalized by individuals like Santiago Creel and Lorenzo Córdova, what a coincidence his work and mentality in electoral bodies! That is what political-political democratic fundamentalism is for, to unprotect the few dignified and authentic symbols that this country has left. The former secretary of the interior and unsuccessful candidate for the PAN presidential candidacy reveals his racism, classism and aporophobia. Maybe if the US Embassy sent him an escort, he wouldn't hesitate to accept it complete with guns (or missiles and tanks like Zelensky). Or would he also prefer some Hooters Cheerlaeders to please his Super Bowl-loving crowd?