Cpac. The Mexican Trumpist Right

 Cpac. The Mexican Trumpist Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

One interpretation that can be made of the event that Eduardo Verástegui called to establish a current of support for Donald Trump, fulfilled a proportional objective. The electoral competition for the presidency of the United States is becoming increasingly close and Mexican actors still resist understanding that they must participate and select a side. Standing at the end, waiting to see who remains in power in North America, can imply high costs since there is a different value in each proposal, Democrats and Republicans no longer represent Pepsi and Coca Cola, there are parties that propose different and antagonistic options according to the groups that are supporting them.

The fight, in the end, is between globalists and multipolarists. The Democratic Party resumes a global progressive populism that tries to maintain, on pins and needles, the North American hegemony and the territorial influence in each of the points that the geopolitical chessboard demands. However, after the Cold War and, above all, once neo-extractivist neoliberalism has failed, the Yankee Empire must retreat from its hegemony and, as the USSR did in the nineties of the last century, surrender its borders to give other central states the opportunity to influence its vital space. The Republicans are aware that the decline of the United States began with the “Clash of civilizations” proposed by Samuel Huntington and faced with the inability to influence it, they stood by and waited for a Christian nationalism that Donald Trump has been building.

Behind the right-wing Trumpist populism, there is a silent majority of Christians with different denominations that are overtaking the Republican Party. Donald Trump, like Vicente Fox in 2000, displaced the historical groups of Republicanism and has with him numerous religious groups from plural Christian sectors that contribute to empowering conservatism and the regeneration of the American identity.

Even though the North American Empire is in retreat, it will always be a giant for the neighborhood with Mexico. There are more coincidences between the Morena style of governing and the Trumpist Republican than with the Democrats.

The neoliberal right does not adequately interpret the signals from CPAC and Trumpism. The opposition has decided to preserve its islands of power to survive in the coming populist regime, but they leave aside the possibility of achieving greater integration with North America.

Donald Trump is proposing a conservative revolution in the United States to return power to the people of the middle classes, the multiple Christian churches and the WASP status quo. The lesson of North American exceptionalism should make us understand that these phenomena imply that the Deep State must legitimize itself in another way with society and the world.

The Yankee empire has an economic and social bankruptcy that demands the recovery of minimum freedoms and the reestablishment of social control over progressives and mythomaniac plutocrats.

The CPAC event brought together important actors who are seriously betting on emptying the PAN, MC and civil society, to support a conservative populism that will bring together the Christian nationalism of the American Republicans and the Mexican humanists.

Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

 Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Since the Arab Spring, it has become common to find manuals of anarchism and social resistance in different cyber spaces; the Internet has become the main tool of anarchists and dissidents.

The crisis of democracy corresponds more to the unjust development of liberalism than to populism.

Neoliberal democracy has become a plutocratic totalitarianism that insists on denying its responsibility for the conditions in which humanity lives.

It is difficult to deny the dystopia of the Z War if globalization does not change.

As in the sixties of the last century, imagination demands the impossible from power, but political power and, above all, economic power, is a sad, dry and old monolith that feels nothing, it only lives to repress.

That is why imagination, in essence, is rebellious.

The failure of democracy through competitive elections in Mexico has not yet been assimilated by the PRIANRD and the red circle that accompanies it.

The few seconds that the brief history of liberal democratic minimalism barely reached only confirmed the oligarchic vocation of the elites and the only means that society has to protect itself: social mobilization.

The utility of autonomous and civic organizations of civil society is insisted upon as an effective form of social protection. This is not true.

Democratic minimalism, like Francisco I. Madero, dreamed of turning Mexicans into Englishmen and that is how it went for all of us.

François Xavier Guerra points out that social resistance is the only way for the Ibero-American elites and oligarchies to remember the coexistence of pacts; and perhaps it is the same in all of humanity.

The loss of autonomous organizations is not the tragedy that the red circle exposes. The street and the cannon of the future have been the only means to dialogue with the elites, in France, China and the world.

Denise Dresser knows it, and the students of Ayotzinapa know it, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation knows it, and the groups dedicated to organized crime know it. The Hobbits know it, and even Donald Trump.

The cult of violence that the imagination proposes in these times depends more on the failure of the State and the Social Contract than on the failures of democracy.

Liberalism, once again, failed to civilize the powerful, and as long as the totalitarianism of economic power persists, only the streets and social resistance remain for the rest to survive.

The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

 The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible

As the change of government approaches in our country, the opposition to the Fourth Transformation structures the risks of the reforms promoted by López Obrador as a legacy of his political and social commitments.

The disappearance of autonomous organizations at the local and national level seems imminent; if the reform of the Judicial Branch is enough to shake the structures of the neoliberal oligarchy, with the disappearance of the civil spaces that structured the transition via competitive elections, the State shakes off foreign bodies that took away its power and sovereignty.

The changes generate uncertainty, tremendous expectations and doubts regarding the historical stature of some characters; It is true that profound changes do not depend only on those elected but on ordinary people who can cause alarm in critics.

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible.

With the arrival of López Obrador, the intention was to restructure state power and return to the interventionist and corrective dimension that corresponds to political society par excellence.

Is the Mexican State recovering and strengthening? It is still early to say so.

After the unjust North American intervention, it is clear that public institutions lack respect abroad and national strength is not considered under any formal criteria by the powerful neighbor to the north.

However, the union of the groups and parties that make up the Fourth Transformation intend to remedy, in some way, the neoliberal counter-reforms promoted during almost six six-year terms.

The architecture of the historical rupture that is intended seems titanic, it is not a return to the past but a liberation of the State from the future; it could also be Mexico's Armageddon.

The Morena reforms have to be so that the ideas of its political proposal are carried out, if the fourth transformation does not intend to be a banal populism but the Mexican resurgence, the opportunity has its doors open.

As always, History will point out who was at the level of the demands and circumstances.

Plurinominals and unfulfilled promises of the electoral system

 Plurinominals and unfulfilled promises of the electoral system

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The debate around the disproportionality that can be generated from the distribution of plurinominal legislators is meaningless from a retrospective and fair look, the capital sins are the possession of all and only after the conjuncture does critical action make sense. Mexicans voted in one sense and this must be respected; although it is not to the liking of electoral specialists inclined to the liberal democratic model.

For many years, intense academic debates and conscientious studies regarding the Mexican electoral system were never taken into account. It is enough to remember the ideas of Manlio Beltrones regarding Giovanni Sartori's proposal and the second electoral round. Were the parties aware of the studies produced by the Mexican Society of Electoral Studies? Did they include academia in their political proposals? Have the PRIANRD read different studies on electoral indicators? So, why did they never change the electoral system in time? What are they complaining about?

They all act according to their political capital and seek to remain in power. Plan C, as did the National Action Party and the Hegemonic PRI at the time, proposes the disappearance of plurinominals. Perhaps the disappearance of peanuts and pilones is better so that presidentialism works better. The brilliant minds of Mexican political science were never able to convince legislators to design an electoral system appropriate to the correlation of political forces and system of government, nor did they contribute to changing Mexican political culture and, less, the patrimonialism of the ruling class. We have what we want, we are what we did. It is more dignified that the opposition to Morena let Sheinbaum Pardo govern and do well

If the group that makes up the 4T coalition is an electoral alliance or different political parties, it has nothing to do with Mexican democracy. The distribution of seats must be based on the mechanical function of the operational text and there is nothing else to discuss. An electoral system that has blocked Mexican democratization for more than three decades will soon disappear, so each of the parties will get what it works for in social correspondence.

The opposition to Morena cannot seek in electoral judicialization what it did not obtain at the polls. With all the risks that a majority election like the one in 2024 implies, it greatly benefited Morena. The anti-democratic thing is to oppose this trend, even if the people are wrong; things are as they are, reason has never defeated reality. The opposition and the red circle that seeks to stop the electoral expression of Mexicans, still do not understand the message of 2018 and 2024, they keep their distance from society and close themselves off to the change of era that the world is experiencing.

The message of the elections requests approximation of the political class to society, government attention, public policies and respect. Citizens do not ask for Chinese accounts. Anti-Lopez Obradorism had a six-year term to compete, palm to palm, against the Fourth Transformation. They squandered all their opportunities and remain far from the majority, stuck in a political vision that Mexican political culture rejects in a crude and open way.

Morena won almost everything, the opposition has failed in almost everything; it is time to reinvent itself.