Monday, May 30, 2022

Manuel Buendía and the American Challenge

 Manuel Buendía and the American Challenge

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero



During these dates, the criminal act that took the life of one of the most important columnists of contemporary times in our country is bitterly remembered. Little has changed in the situation of Mexican journalists since then.

Throughout these years, various reports and analyzes have shown the triangle of the United States, Authoritarianism and Drug Trafficking as the trigger for the violence that has marked our country to the point of configuring it as a Narco Republic oriented towards a Failed State. The Mexican dictatorship lost control of the country when the Cold War ended and became involved in a labyrinth of criminality that US hegemony claims. Mexico has a deep parochial and subject political culture, but North America defines the limits of growth, development and democracy for our country.

The analysis that cost Manuel Buendía his life evidenced the clues that over time have shown the United States as the true narco-empire that promotes drugs and weapons for the benefit of its hegemony. The columnist pointed out the connection that links Yankee imperialism with the business of criminality through the façade of fascism. It is now common knowledge that the United States is the most powerful Drug Cartel.

George Friedman should read Manuel Buendía. If all the money that is conceived as a product of drug trafficking and organized crime reached Mexico, the country would effectively have come out of underdevelopment and backwardness decades ago, the entire nation would have been urbanized. The per capita income from narco-profits would have formed a business class more powerful than the Russian oligarchs and surely the Mexican government would have the weapons of mass destruction to confront North America. None of that is true. Shortly after going through the columns of Red Privada, George Friedman would realize that his vision of Mexico should be reconsidered. Buendía showed that the Reagamaniacs were never going to solve the economic crisis and the US deficit, which is the underlying problem. Neoliberalism dedicated itself to sowing paramilitary groups dedicated to the transfer of drugs and weapons to finance the Yankee hegemony during globalization. The great drug-trafficking washer is called the Pentagon and its bosses work for the CIA. You don't have to have all the resources George Friedman has to prove it.

Manuel Buendía's school of journalism has made it possible to confirm the imprint of Yankee imperialism on the path of drug trafficking and the non-existence of cartels. The historical lesson of his work is the need to seek an alternative development model to the dependency and vocation that the United States has assigned us. Mexico has the obligation to create a socioeconomic model that reduces the disastrous drug violence and the excessive emigration of human resources. The terrible economic results that six-year period after six-year period have occurred for Mexico are not going to change because of the will of the United States. Pentagonism is also destroying American society and its Darwinian liberalism seems doomed to destruction; but Mexico does not have the economic and social capacity to withstand a future like that.

Mexico is forced to rethink its relationship with the United States beyond populist nationalism and reactionary ideology. Neither the right nor the left will be able to govern Mexico if they do not first understand the interests of North America. The American Union is heading for a civilizing war that may have the highest costs for Mexico, it can even be said that they are being paid from now on. The intellectuals of the establishment wasp want things to get worse and will never recognize the significant findings made by researchers like Manuel Buendía. As long as the Mexican political class is not capable of proposing a collaborative game with the United States through the appropriate incentives, which go through consolidating the State, justice as well as liberal democracy, the North American cartel will continue charging high quotas of the right of floor.

Saturday, May 21, 2022

The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero



Political transfugismo has undermined the structure of political parties to promote factionalism and cliques as protagonists of the dispute for power. In Puebla, this phenomenon has characterized the electoral alternations and realignments from the Auxiliary Boards to the Executive Power. Factionalism was regularized by the existence of the Official Party (PRI), as soon as its institutionalization and cohesion weakened, personalisms resurfaced and began to recover their influence and hegemony to the detriment not only of the State Party but of government and social institutions.

Avilacamachismo has become one of the preponderant factionalisms in the entity, it is configured as a cacicazgo but it is also a social muégano that involves people, communities, intermediate bodies, educational and religious systems as well as public entities. During PRIATO's trajectory, presidents Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez, Luis Echeverría and Carlos Salinas de Gortari were opposed to the avilacamachista cacique interests by conscience or circumstance. Bartlismo is produced from these conditions, perhaps a clique that could be configured as an opposition bloc to Avilacamachismo given that it achieved government control on two occasions and was outlined as the way through which MORENA could retain ownership of the state executive power. Things have changed and the succession in Puebla is conditioned by the processes that Avilacamachismo is experiencing.

Rafael Moreno Valle tried to establish a Neoavilacamachismo that, linked to the Atlacomulco Group, would rise as a national faction: the Morenovallismo. The elevation was so high that the fall was terrible, but in Puebla the avilacamachista moorings remained solid and Bartlismo has not been able to weaken them, much less break them. Lopezobradorismo, like Cardenismo, has preferred pragmatic coexistence instead of confrontation and this leaves Bartlismo and Morena in the orphanage.

Moreno Valle sought a factionalist emancipation that resulted in conflicts for the Avilacamachismo, the Atlacomulco Group and the PAN against the succession of 2018. Even the Lopezobradorismo considered the alternation in Puebla through the split of the avilacamachistas, the confrontation with the morenovallistas was total and Finally, Morena reached the state government with the connivance of some avilacamachistas and even morenovallistas. Hence, the succession in Puebla follows this canon while Bartlismo and other morenista groups operate in a weakened and ineffective way. Raymundo García García considered Bartlism, in its marine dimension, as a "diminished, parochial, pedestrian, porril, cacique elite, without vision regarding public administration and modernization." There are many similarities with the avilacamachistas, although for some, there are also significant differences. The truth is that in the face of Bart's lack of power, certain followers still preferred integration with the avilacamachismos modernized by morenovallismo. The Bartlismo that was represented with the presidential superdelegation resulted in looting, abuse and inefficiency. The Federal Delegation was the great lost opportunity not only of Bartlism but also of the Fourth Transformation.

Avilacamachismo takes control in Puebla under the consent of Lopezobradorismo, as in the times of General Lázaro Cárdenas. The avilamachista vertex is now represented by the far-right mayor of the capital who, despite the presidential criticism, should not be forgotten that it was the first perspective considered by Morena to confront morenovallismo. The PRIANRD under the route of pragmatic multiparty alliances, as well as a deeply divided Morena party with no preponderant factions in sight, constitutes the ideal path for the Avilacamachista Family -of which the state government is also a part- to remain in the control of the entity.

The dark shadow of Lopezobradorismo, as well as the dark shadow of Cardenismo, makes Puebla one of the most backward states in the country. Social indicators never improve significantly. The cacicazgo is maintained through the provost of other regional, administrative and corporate caciquisms that enjoy full health within the state, the public administration and other social bodies.

What changes in Puebla are the indicators of anomies and pathologies, each six-year period they increase for the benefit of the avilacamachista muégano.


Image 1. Avilacamachismo 


Source.  Pansters, W. G. (1998) Política y poder en Puebla. Formación y ocaso del cacicazgo avilacamachista, 1937-1987. México, D.F. y Puebla: Fondo de Cultura Económica y Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla

Tuesday, May 10, 2022

The dark shadow of López Obrador in Puebla II

 The dark shadow of López Obrador in Puebla II

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero



The local press has carried out interesting analyzes regarding the signs left by the visit of President López Obrador during the parade of last Cinco de Mayo. Despite how debatable the ideas of proximity and estrangement between Barbosa and AMLO sound, the truth is that there is little disposition of lopezobradorismo towards the entity. The type of relationship that prevails between Miguel Barbosa and the president of the republic means that the avilacamachista structures remain immovable.

Just as the social base of Gilberto Bosques Saldivar had to go into exile and suffer avilacamachismo, the Pueblan left -if such a complex tribalism can be called that- does not appear in the political spectrum of the entity. López Obrador maintains the Pact of Honor and Justice that continues to make Puebla an island of the old regime.

General Lázaro Cárdenas allowed the avilacamachista provost in the face of terrible impotence during the consolidation of the regime of the Mexican revolution, is the same thing happening now? It seems so because of all the phenomena that it reveals. The succession in Puebla continues to be the PRI of the DF against the local PRI, but always the PRI even if it is about to lose the record. The PRI cliques and cacicazgos enjoy full health in all the political parties and regions of the state. The progressive left of Morena is notable for its absence and those who usurp the label do not stop sabotaging and collapsing the policies of good government.

There are no elements to ensure which PRI faction benefits from AMLO's visit, but it is certain that Morena does not receive any encouragement, quite the contrary.

The shadow of López Obrador prolongs the conflicts that are not resolved with alternation and that the pandemic has deepened. The water crisis, insecurity, femicides, economic monopolies, injustice, chiefdoms, administrative incompetence and authoritarianism, are the daily pages of local politics and everything seems the ideal scenario for the succession to opt for the mayor of the capital. Order, even if it comes from the center.

The Fourth Transformation has no effect in Puebla, like Cardenism. Regional balances, now called feudalisms, may be necessary for national governability, but at the cost of great local suffering: ordinary citizens who find themselves in the crossfire of groups in conflict and orphans facing absolute impunity. Town of demons.

Friday, May 06, 2022

The electoral reform in México. Will Win?

 The electoral reform in Mexico. Will Win?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 



The proposal of the Fourth Transformation to renew the Mexican electoral system has ignited a singular debate to reconsider the democratic consolidation of the country. With everything and the polarization regarding the procedural and contentious sphere, the electoral institutions in Mexico have plunged into total disrepute. Organizations and courts that were configured as spaces to develop citizenship, legality and democratic political culture; they finally appeared like any other cacique corporatism space. The greatest seriousness corresponds to the onerous costs and the corruption of the legal-electoral structure in a society with so many deficiencies. Without wanting to admit it, the INE is one of the main institutions responsible for the Failed State, it negotiated to impose the worst rulers of all time.

Despite the cacique interests in the electoral fields, this has not been an obstacle to the development of intelligent proposals for many years. The history of electoral institutions is very interesting; however, it depresses how little influence it has had. Manlio Fabio Beltrones's contempt for Giovanni Sartori, for example, constitutes the constant of the invisible power that controls bureaucracies, budgets and progress of the INE/IFE/OPLES. All the effort to study the Mexican elections never served for anything, the Beltrones always prevented any attempt for a serious debate regarding the electoral system that Mexico needs. And there they remain. A few years ago, Denise Dresser terribly lambasted the INE, and now she defends it. What power do the Beltrons have to force someone like that?

Woldenberg, Reyes Heroles and hundreds of other electoral studies have pointed out the importance of Proportional Representation and the Second Round in Mexico. Multiple academics, study centers, thinkers from the different parties, have pointed out that a system of competition and proportionality is more important than the arbitrator. The country has always had excellent scholars of comparative electoral systems, but the political class does not listen or pay attention to them. They are good for student, doctrinal, training courses; but until there. The astonishment of the PRIANRD is ridiculous, they also had a formal academy in this regard.

Reinventing the electoral system in the country is essential to revive political parties and inhibit the promiscuous, turncoat and primitive alliances that the current state of affairs has led to. If the INE is not refounded, if the electoral system in the country is not changed, the political parties run the risk of becoming extinct and that the cacique de facto powers take the free rein of the country.

Political parties in Mexico are entities of public interest, they constitute the peaceful way to fight for power and the agonistic channel so that our differences flow, feed each other and learn. Without parties there is no democracy. The civic education schools are the parties, not the INE.

The political crisis in France is a scenario that must be taken into account for the Mexican case: without parties, any criminal can be president. Who is Macron? What does Macron represent? Nothingness, interventionism, imperialism, inside and outside France. French suicide is a reality and nobody does anything.

The INE must disappear so that the political parties return to their leading, partial, differentiated, intelligent, purposeful role. It is unfortunate the state of all the political parties in the country and to see the way in which the Cacique has closed the door for new party institutes.

Hopefully the debate and the conservation instinct of the political parties manage to design and implement an electoral reform that is right.

Monday, April 25, 2022

Should the United States invade Mexico? (Aggregate)

Should the United States invade México? (Aggregate)

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero



The controversy in the media generated by the statements of former President Donald Trump regarding the harsh treatment in diplomatic relations between his government and our country, as well as the possibilities to invade Mexico that constitute the center of his renewed political campaign, is an example of the ignorance and the inability to turn around to see the painful issue of Mexican emigration to the United States. It weighs a lot on Mexico to see inside itself. We don't know each other and the different social groups try to impose their vision of the country in a radical and violent way, but never honestly.

Mexico does not have a country project, we are a permanent dialectic of castes where anyone takes advantage of the spirits in dispute to add fuel to the fire. The serious thing is that the fire is already burning the United States and Donald Trump is not kidding when he talks about imitating Vladimir Putin to bring order to a Narco-state that only produces violence and emigration. North America is responsible for the state of things, it never understood the consequences of sending weapons and money to social groups that have so much resentment and hatred.

The ignorance regarding the number of Mexicans who have emigrated and reside in the United States causes shame. Officials and communicators, politicians and academics. It is rare that no one makes a mistake when accounting for remittances.

The conundrum in the migratory relationship between Mexico and the United States has caused notable American intellectuals such as Samuel Huntington, George Friedman and Joel Garreau -to mention the most sensible ones- to define that Hispanity is the greatest challenge of Anglo-Saxon culture, and of Mexico.

The post-covid world poses a dispute between globalists and nationalists that is limited to the global powers. The United States will have to focus on Latin America to maintain its status and, therefore, its role lies in correcting the failed states and the economic surrealism that so many emigrants have arranged around it. A few weeks ago, the debate regarding the electricity reform divided legislators between pro-Hispanists and nationalists. What is the reason for continuing to sneak in corrupt Spanish companies if Mexico must rethink its relationship with the United States? If Mexico receives so many millions of dollars in remittances and more than 90% of its economy depends on North America, why is more than half of the population poor and almost a million people -annually- try to emigrate to the United States? Ramón Eduardo Ruíz would say that the Spanish colonial social structure is responsible. And he is not wrong.

Hispanic Catholic casticism is the slope through which the fraternal hatred of Mexico flows, it remains undeterred since Hernán Cortés and Malinche. Lies, slavery, patrimonialism, castes and caciques. Right of blood that forges a multinational state, but not a nation. The caste system is what determines aporophobia, racism, classism, intolerance. If weapons, dollars and drugs are added to this, the scenario is set, where is national unity?

America has used a similar strategy in the conquest of the West, to make firm its expansionism it sent the Army after the pioneers and cowboys; and he did it several times until the only monopoly of violence was the State. And she will do it again as many times as it is. It is what is lost sight of when one does not want to understand that Mexico is a colony of the United States and not of Spain. And that this condition tends to increase as the post-covid world approaches.

The fire of the failed state that is burning the south of the United States, the one that the neoliberal Hispanic Catholic guerócrats do not want to see and for which they were responsible, is Donald Trump's excuse to be the North American Vladmir Putin, the Batman of Gotham City.

Mexico has the challenge of abandoning Hispanic values ​​-Catholicism, caciquismo, latifundismo, casticismo, etc.,- and recognizing the geopolitical order from which it cannot escape. Characters like Donald Trump will be more and more common, and pretending -everywhere- regarding the true relationship between Mexico and the United States only aggravates things. A liberal superpower is not going to allow its neighbor's illiberalism to extinguish it. Neither Spain nor the Vatican will provide support to the Mexican Ukraine.

Saturday, April 16, 2022

Leave it alone!; sons of bitches!

 Leave it alone!; sons of bitches!

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 



Holy Week for Christianity is a time of reflection regarding the suffering that the Historical Christ lived for the salvation of humanity. I remember with nostalgia and pain the marches of my community when the Passion of Jesus was plastically represented. On one occasion -observing the torture that the Roman soldiers applied to the Nazarene in the artistic experience- a middle-aged companion shouted angrily: Leave him alone! Sons of Chingada! The expression shook the feelings of the people who accompanied the procession. Between laughter and tears, the cry of the screamer was justified and also the dilemma that the representation had to be violent to convey the human model of the Redeemer. In some theatrical performances, the necessary realism that seeks to print the experience for the audience requires that whoever represents Jesus of Nazareth receive an average of 400 lashes in a walk of approximately 4 kilometers (a madriza worthy of the Holy Christ! ). For this reason, the people who represent the procession of the cross ignore the requests for commiseration that some spectators make in an emotional way. Thus, the Romans in the narrative did not stop and took whoever imitated the character from Bethlehem to Calvary; with the usual beating that -according to the script- distinguishes the evangelical narration.

In many places in Mexico and Latin America, even other latitudes; the evangelizing pedagogy of Holy Week is violent and terrifying. Joan Manuel Serrat questions her in the song that speaks of the Christ of the Gypsies, a friend who shares the food and the party, who drinks wine and dances, who cries for the daily suffering of the people. Neither does Chabela Vargas sing to the character that the Romans punish to death, one of her famous songs pays tribute to the Christ of Palacaguina, the guerrilla who defends himself from the Romans, who frees the poor and takes the merchants out of the temple, reviewing the parable of the Needle and the Camel, also expressed in León Felipe when he said that Christ is the Man, any Man. The Historical Christ is a Revolutionary Man.

The hermeneutics of Holy Week is applicable to various Latin American political systems. Hugo Chávez pointed out, for example, that the oligarchy had the Crucified Christ as a sign of punishment for the dissident principles of the Hispanic Catholic capitalist social order. More than the message of sacrifice for the sins of humanity, the Man on the Cross represents the memory of the imperialist penalty for those who decide to confront them. Hence the gypsy need to lower Jesus del Madero, but not the dead one but the living one, the one who draws the pedagogy of the parables to teach the people to defend themselves, the one who offers a lot of affection and counts for everyone. The Jew who runs everywhere and resembles Friederich Nietzsche's superman Zarathustra, who thinks of transcendental death, but thinks first of the here and now, of building a just social order in earthly life under the realistic awareness of pain, war and fighting.

The tragic fate of the Messiah in Holy Week is the symbolic reference of some nationalist leaders in Latin America. The Church of Peter accepts the sacrifice of Jesus to create an oligarchic imperial order. The axiom has been fulfilled in the six-year history of the Mexican political system: Cardenismo is the best example. General Lázaro Cárdenas experienced a viacrucis during most of his government, the attacks went beyond propaganda and political baseness to become terrorism. And despite the fact that he defended himself and the people from him as the Christ of Palacaguina, he faced the death of the six-year period and the praxis of power that allowed him to modernize the underprivileged classes. The posterity of the federal public administration would never again have a Missionary General (Enrique Krauze) who received, and also granted, a disproportionate number of lashes. Mexico never had another Tata Lázaro, although it continues to pray for his return.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador was conceived, politically, as Messiah. His government has also been a very tough viacrucis. The scourges of the press, the oligarchy and North American imperialism are overwhelming. The indolence and indifference of pro-Yankee Hispanic neoliberal Mexico has no qualification, they want to take the country to war and, given the support of the narco-empire, they are preparing to cross the Rubicon like Roman Caesar: they are Romans, do not try to change them.

Should the Tropical Messiah fulfill the tragic destiny of the mortal God at the end of the six-year term? Although the distance from cardenismo is wide, lopezobradorismo has made superhuman efforts to carry out social equality, gender equity, the rescue of poverty and the recomposition of the State. The actions were more than necessary to rebuild a country that was in a situation of Failed or Supplanted State (Samuel Schmidt), but much is needed to organize the great national problems. The Mexican nomenklatura has sabotaged every modernization project in the country, they are responsible for enforcing the unwritten rules of the political system; above all, the cancellation of the transexennial continuity, the death of the presidential God at the end of his term. The symbolic "non-reelection" of contemporary Mexico has prevented transexennial projects -sometimes necessary-, from defining a modernity for Mexico, a country project different from the moderate colonialism in which the United States locks us up.

The nomenklatura has betrayed each president, even killed him so that the new Messiah can live. However, Mexico needs a transexennial modernizing project that promotes the historical ruptures and social adjustments necessary to balance the political, economic and social spheres. The nomenklatura only wants to remain an employee of the American Caesar.

AMLO and Morena face their Holy Friday in the second half of the presidential term, the Executive knows that it must accelerate its macroprojects and legislative policies if it intends to approach Cardenismo. AMLO has popular support, they approve and defend him, but, although they strongly ask the Romans to stop whipping and torturing the Holy Christ; the Romans do not listen, the representation has to continue and, at the end of the six-year term, the Messiah must die.

General Lázaro Cárdenas del Río accepted the tragic destiny to found a Church, the largest branch of the Revolutionary Family, but which is now distinguished by being a religion without believers and much less priests. Will lopezobradorism also accept metaphysical transcendence to create a Church without believers? Will the Tropical Messiah be crucified forever? In the end, the town always saves Barrabás. Poor towns, saturated with gunmen, chieftaincy, mafia and oligarchy, Sicilianized underemployed communities that only survive because of the slavery of the North American narco-empire. How are they going to defend their Messiah if they don't have weapons or the capacity for militant organization? The imaginary citizenship that Fernando Escalante points out is not a product of populism but of the patrimonialism that the nomenklatura has historically developed,

Perhaps the Tropical Messiah is not the Messiah of Nazareth, it probably has more resemblance to the Messiah of the Desert who did not enter the promised land. López Obrador will sow the strain of a nationalist project that is current and necessary in the future post-Covid world. The unwritten rules of the Mexican political system are ineluctable, they have been fulfilled at the cost of everything. Strong presidents like Lázaro Cárdenas, Carlos Salinas and Luis Echeverría; they could not control the cacique corporatism of Mexico.

Transexennial continuity depends on the Narco-empire, integration with the United States of America must be subject to the argument of the disease called "Failed State", if Mexico falls, so does the United States. The nomenklatura only knows how to misgovern and develop the anomic tendencies of social poverty that its hegemony allows. The sociological pathologies of Sicilianized societies have already spread to North America. The Mexican invasion, which will be the campaign argument in the Republican Party, is no longer planned in Mexican territory but in the south of the United States. The less support for the López Obrador government, the more social pathologies will contaminate the American social order. Mexico is not, nor will it be, the Japan south of the Rio Grande, but it is already a territory under the control of various armed groups that constitute a flank for US national security. The United States has to join the Leave it! Sons of the fuck!

Mexico is an eternal Holy Week

Sunday, March 27, 2022

Bear Empire

 Bear Empire



Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although Russia does not agree that its nation is classified as a bear for the reason of strength and aggressiveness that distinguishes the ursids, North America is also a territory of this type of mammal. The former United States ambassador to Mexico Jeffrey Davidow developed a textual work where his nation was signified as a bear and Mexico as a porcupine. That is to say, while the Russians do not like being considered bears, the Americans recognize themselves as such.

How can the United States and Russia be the same? Probably in imperialist expansionism. In the use of force to unilaterally impose their criteria with their neighbors. Davidow considers that Mexico is wrong in the way it looks at the United States, Mexican nationalism is reactionary, hence the figure of the porcupine, but can a bear really be friends with a porcupine?

The perspective of neutrality that Mexico has tried to maintain in the face of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict has not pleased anyone. The grizzly bear has demanded, as always, that others come forward in the conflict to weaken his enemies even if the situation constitutes suicide.

The United States does not want to lose its hegemony or world control, but its decline faces the most critical point in the Russian-Ukrainian situation. The post-covid world represents a perspective where economic and political liberalism cannot advance any further, Samuel Huntington returns to tell America that it is necessary to return to its origin since he has lost the project of modernity and reason. Humanity is not satisfied with a Western identity that represents the United States, metastases everywhere, sclerosis disguised as consumerism and equivocal freedoms. American expansionism is also responsible for democratic decline.

The consecration of the Catholic Church to Russia signifies a point of agreement in global conservative tendencies. Non-Western societies have chosen to embrace certain aspects of modernity and reject others, especially those that entail high economic costs and social disorder. Although several countries have joined the economic sanctions that the United States and the global financial organizations under its control have imposed on Russia; the representative core states of non-Western peoples agree with Vladimir Putin in an anti-American obsession the likes of which had not been seen before, not even in the era of the Cold War or the Middle East invasions.

England's departure from the European Union shows the true face of Anglo-Saxon culture: pragmatism. Liberalism cannot be a civilizing culture if it does not fulfill an evangelizing task, it has been presented everywhere as a methodology of looting and abuse. The North American empire has come to an end because it is putting the human race on the verge of extinction, as well as all life on the planet. If the terrestrial cataclysm presented itself, the North Americans - like the Anglo-Saxons - would go out to live on Mars or the Moon.

Should the porcupine trust the bear? No. Is Ukraine the porcupine of Russia? We don't know, but it should be porcupine against the United States. What will happen to so many porcupine?


In the case of volatile geopolitical alliances, other bears engage in behaviors that redefine their allegiances.