¿Corruption or dispersion? Device poverty in Mexico

¿Corruption or dispersion? Device poverty in Mexico
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero



The results on the social question in the country incite debate on development and backwardness. Poverty is advancing rapidly and implementers of public policies are lost in finding the formula that, at least, can effectively raise the issue.

Governments of all levels of government consider making it necessary to carry out social policy. And, if observed regularly, federal, state and municipal structures are there, seem to do their job. There are multitude of welfare programs for almost anyone. What's wrong then?

Lately it has begun to reinterpret the concept of overlay dispersion and poverty. This has served to justify the failures of government handouts to point out that communities in extreme poverty resulting from its remote and distant from urban centers or municipal capitals location. This, to say the bureaucracy responsible conditions access to programs and services provided by public institutions. This argument has been used to implement policies that are grounded in the displacement of indigenous groups and peasants to urban development centers. One of these was executed by Juan Sabines in Chiapas and had the name of Rural Cities. The project received support and advice from international bodies like the United Nations so that the local constitution did endorse the Millennium Development Goals. It is undeniable that the project contains an admirable rationality and planning; however, as anthropologists and social scientists ahead of that entity and the country, the Rural Cities were a failure that continues putting Chiapas behind development. The enlightened despotism was accompanied by a lack of transparency and responsible management in the construction of rural towns.

In Chiapas held a total dispossession, volleys of corruption and human rights violation impersonating one, at least, interesting modernizing model. The oligarchy that took over the project is responsible for the recent triumph of the Green Party in that entity. Social change is not made, not the interest of beneficiaries in project implementation and poverty has worsened considered. Of course, any public and private responsibility has been blamed outside of academic work.

The corruption that is done in the name of social policy concerns governments and solidarity movements. Carlos Salinas de Gortari tried to clear it through the National Solidarity Program, a social policy that managed public resources to carry most of the country's municipalities as well as of the most studied, and, unfortunately, could not avoid filled with mismanagement. Precisely Chiapas and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation demonstrated to society and the world that modernization Salinas was full of perversions.

Corruption is a major obstacle to social development in Mexico and, given its strong ability, there are few options. Exemplarily punish corrupt becomes an endless task, another choice is to achieve that while slow participatory model may invalidate abusive actors and achieve inclusion of beneficiaries in a collaborative and balances logic.

Brazilian technology of participatory budgeting has been widely cited as a mechanism that would not only have positive effects on the social issue but also as a tool of political culture. Participation allows the passage of distrust the government jointly responsible for corruption and transparency.

Combating the spread remains the focus of social policy pursued in different entities now with cheaper and ineffective models as Integrators Service Centres (CIS) or Units of Basic Services (USB) executed, especially in southern Mexico. A defect that accompanied the Rural Cities now have to add the conflict with Article 115 of the Constitution and oligarchization process associated with neo-extractivism.

The modernization accompanied by corruption will always be a combination that produces failure. Participation and organization should be prospective that must be taken seriously in the fight against poverty. Avoid the influence of people on policies that affect them evade governance and democracy, it is behavior that will result in poverty and corruption.

A State which waives such corrective intervention in the economy, encourages inequality and conflict. This is the result of decades of false liberalism that have lived in Mexico. Bosch Jaime Ros has insisted on recovering the Mexican State and then save development and growth. Maybe when society avoid corrupt disguised modernizers also find an effective strategy against poverty.

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My vote goes to Donald Trump

My vote goes to Donald Trump
Diego Velázquez

And now, how silenced the xenophobic Americans in their views of Mexico ?, in what way reject indeed the arguments of intellectuals like Samuel P. Huntington to observe the mexicanidad?
In geopolitics class I tried to persuade my students about the dark neighborhood that keeps Mexico to the north and how historically this has hurt us. The ghost of Joel Robert Poinsett appeared with all the trappings of conspiracies that have filled the embassy of the United States, at least until the time of John Gavin. The intelligent student said contrary to this idea and said something like this: do not need to send EU ambassadors as Poinsett, if Mexico has presidents as Peña Nieto. The answer provoked hilarity and, compared with relaxation that occurs in situations like that, I tried not contribute to the negative image of remembering the illustrious executive Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna -the course Poinsset ally - and counteract student opinion. However, they reminded me, Santa Anna fought against US and Peña Nieto does nothing.

Beyond the responsible caudillo figures or victims, the important thing is to analyze the recent attacks suffered by the Mexican government administration the main drug trafficker escape. The idea that everything bad that happens to Mexico is due to the proximity to the United States have recently had a proposal that deserves to be taken seriously. Republican Donald Trump has indicated the need for a bigger and stronger border wall today, to shield America from the arrival of Mexicans and their values. American businessman's claims angered many Mexican intellectuals, especially those involved in the world of entertainment and even came to answer. These opinion leaders and communication chains that support, however, projected telenovelas, music, films, events and shows where drug trafficking, murder, lawlessness, impunity, crime and prostitution are the main stars. What Donald Trump was wrong to describe Mexico?

The wall proposes the candidate for president of the United States has to do with something that, in different ways, have tried to understand the political scientists, sociologists, economists, psychologists and anthropologists; and which, according to the extensive literature that is published every year, not yet agree. When not ruled PRI of all political parties, Marco A. Almazán (See Operation PRI) referred to the phenomenon describing it as a unique force that came to legitimize the ruling party late compared with members of other political institutes. Extrapolating this idea to contemporary times, it can be said that lady captivating story ended his companions and other admirers. The name of the lady alone love many Mexicans, called Corruption.

This rooted in Mexican culture element constitutes a defense mechanism against modernity. It can be explained according to rational incentives and show that indecency is a preferred choice given the context of an institutional framework that punishes some and an economic system that provides proportional to income dynamics becomes increasingly demanding and fast. Trade liberalization radicalized monetary claims and contributed to the weakening of the government apparatus. A society that rejects the renovation and is in a context that provides profit wholesale unpunished obviously perverted. The most representative of this decomposition process and social backwardness are the politicians and businessmen. Otherwise, it is considered normal and Mexican surrealism or anomie means; It is only a consequence.

Denisse Dresser inserted to the national oligarchy capitalism friends, that space where politicians are not democrats and entrepreneurs built monopolies, and in which both actors are going to Harvard University to demonstrate that they can be more popular than Paris Hilton. The national myrreinato is proof. This mode of production generates incompetence, poverty and other diseases.

Donald Trump and his proposed wall is something that should be seriously evaluated. This is a wealthy American-globalization not only complain about the proximity to Mexico and what it has meant to his country. He is tacitly disapproving NAFTA and neoliberalism manifest discomfort. If built, it would have to be as big as the Chinese wall. A border would avoid mutual blackmail between our countries and the Mexican government would have to get to work. Losing the comfort that also represents the EU to live near, he encourages Mexico to overcome his condition. The wall and the absence of North America constitute a break, the ability to run our pace and speed of development, in the words of Ugo Pipitone, thaw our modernity, historical settings do we owe from 1810, we find our combination. This is the task that has not made the Mexican state. Donald Trump thinks it's terrible to have a neighbor like Mexico; but, after all, it is an element that helped shape EU, geopolitics has a responsibility to have halted the consolidation of the rule in our country.

To control corruption the Mexican government should punish impunity. If the bad actions have a huge chance of not being punished, the proportionality of the social decomposition proceeds unusually. Mexico requires building their state, law enforcement, something like what the United States developed internally to control the west and south of its geography.


Welcoming the idea of ​​the wall, hopefully Donald Trump also propose something about the tunnels.

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2015/07/20/mi-voto-es-para-donald-trump/

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El poder de la Sotana. De la Cristiada hasta nuestros días

http://institucional.us.es/araucaria/otras_res/2015_7/resegna_715_1.htm

El poder de la Sotana. De la Cristiada hasta nuestros días
Alejandro C. Manjarrez

Ed. Cruman. Puebla, México. 2014

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Fuente:replicamexico.blogspot.mx

Recientemente en México se pudo comprobar el sentido opuesto de la sentencia lapidaria que se le atribuye al Gral. Porfirio Díaz acerca de la geografía fronteriza del norte del país. La visita, sin protocolo de por medio, que hace pocos meses realizó Benjamín Netanyahu a los Estados Unidos para manifestarse contra la política exterior norteamericana que ha decidido mutar sus apoyos en el Medio Oriente, deconstruyó la frase porfirista: ¡Pobre Israel! Tan cerca de Dios y tan lejos de los Estados Unidos. Si México e Israel pudieran intercambiar su ubicación, quizá las cosas mejorarían notablemente para ambos países.

El intervencionismo norteamericano es una constante global cuyos beneficios y maleficios son, la mayor parte de las veces, inexplicables. La proximidad de México y Estados Unidos genera una ambigüedad e influencia extraña. Jeffrey Davidow (2005), por ejemplo, se manifiesta confundido al tropezar con el nacionalismo trillado de algunos mexicanos, piensa que no se ha sabido aprovechar la cercanía de su país siempre dispuesto al abrigo de la democracia, la libertad, la justicia y el mercado. Una parte de la historia nacional nos dice que los norteamericanos siempre han actuado de manera arbitraria, violenta y colonialista. Estudios formales como los de José Fuentes Mares, Josefina Zoraida Vázquez, Lorenzo Meyer, James D. Cockcroft y Howard Zinn, por hacer un recorrido elemental, confirman parcialmente esta creencia. Si el exembajador estadounidense se acercara a estos autores, comprendería algunos de los hechos que condicionan la desconfianza de los mexicanos hacia Estados Unidos. Y todavía más, si se acercara a las novelas históricas comprendería que existe un mito muy arraigado de las conspiraciones norteamericanas que originan el rencor hacia su país.

Es verdad que la novela histórica tiene un efecto nocivo en el aprendizaje correcto y sensato del acontecer humano. La imaginación, enfoques holísticos y explicaciones simplificadoras, manejados irresponsablemente, pueden causar daños inconmensurables en la mentalidad e integridad física de las sociedades. No obstante, la historia requiere de esta dialéctica, de la relación dialógica entre mito, leyenda y hecho, de tal manera que las novelas y los escritos académicos sobre la historia siempre nos muestren la obra, el escenario y los autores que ayuden a evaluar la actuación humana. Si la historia tiene un sentido, seguramente es corregir y revisar el proceder del hombre. El pasado siempre estará ahí para lanzar destellos que columbran el futuro. Y, no obstante los yerros de las novelas, debe reconocerse que los grandes escritores tienen licencia de hacer todo para lograr las felices coincidencias de las que nos habla Gabriel Zaid. Esta es la bondad de la novela histórica, cuyo género socializa los mitos, dudas y verdades en forma significativa y polémica.

De las múltiples formas y eventos que ha tenido el intervencionismo norteamericano en México, Alejandro C. Manjarrez (2014) retoma las más significativas durante la presidencia del Gral. Plutarco Elías Calles y construye una trama que evidencia la importancia de este período gubernamental para la formación del sistema político mexicano.

El Gral. Plutarco Elías Calles desempeñó una complicada tarea de conducción en un mar donde las tormentas eran cotidianas. Así pues, la convergencia de la Cristiada, la sucesión presidencial, los intereses norteamericanos sobre el petróleo mexicano y las conjuras en el ejército nacional, se mantienen en el eje del espionaje haciendo que el lector no pierda, en ningún momento, el interés por la secuencia de los hechos y la evolución de la política en el país. Los primeros gobiernos revolucionarios permanecieron bajo una línea de fuego cuyos orígenes aún resulta difícil encontrar. La novela es un mapa donde se rastrean, placenteramente, a los héroes y villanos.

La interpretación que hace Alejandro C. Manjarrez permite la aproximación a personajes de los que sólo se escuchan ecos; pero, cuya participación y apoyo fue fundamental para el desenlace de ciertos eventos. El Gral. Joaquín Amaro (Loyo, 2004) y el Gral. José Álvarez y Álvarez han sido omitidos y aún repudiados por la literatura cristera y cardenista de la posteridad. Luis Rivera del Val, Pascual Ortíz Rubio y Martín Luis Guzmán, pueden ser referencias sobre el rol que se atribuyó a esos personajes. Sin embargo, la novela de Manjarrez expone como el callismo, indudablemente cruel, actúa en función de un nacionalismo que permitiría salvaguardar la soberanía del país. El General Plutarco Elías Calles quiso evitar, para sí, el desenlace que tuvo Porfirio Díaz, Francisco I. Madero o Venustiano Carranza, y –de acuerdo a Manjarrez- tuvo que actuar , incluso más allá de los convenios que Benito Juárez y los liberales, llevaron a cabo en sus relaciones con Estados Unidos. Calles obedeció los intereses geopolíticos norteamericanos; pero, también se confrontó con ellos. Pasó de la colaboración a la franca animadversión por las ambivalencias diplomáticas y, quizá entonces, sólo por un momento, pensó en el valor que tenían hombres como Francisco Villa.

El autor narra la forma en que los intereses extranjeros coinciden para atacar México. Estados Unidos y el Estado Vaticano convergen para suspender la Constitución de 1917 disponiendo cualquier acción para cumplir su objetivo. Frente al conflicto, sólo un gobierno fuerte puede evitar el desastre. A eso dispuso, el Gral. Calles, las acciones de su persona y colaboradores.

Al mismo tiempo que Alejandro C. Manjarrez, surge una novela cuyo guión es completamente antagónico. En ella, Leopoldo Mendivil López (2014) expone la forma en que la abundancia del petróleo mexicano atrae la conjunción de los intereses oligárquicos internacionales que, igualmente, usan la diplomacia y la conspiración para apoderarse de esta riqueza natural. En su obra, es la Masonería, los Rockefeller y la elite financiera de Estados Unidos quienes se apoderan del gobierno mexicano y, además del despojo cometido a la sociedad, pretenden acabar con la religión católica. Mendivil retoma los mitos históricos más característicos del catolicismo integral intransigente nacional y los modela en su ficción. Destaca en su trabajo, un ataque frontal al callismo, exhibiéndolo como agente de la masonería internacional y tiránico, así como una recapitulación del vasconcelismo esencial: humanista, nacionalista y filonazi.

En un contexto de reformas estructurales donde, además del petróleo, un gobierno priista contrarrevolucionario y confesional se encuentra externalizando el agua, el sol, la tierra y el aire, estas novelas vienen a mostrar la importancia geopolítica que tiene un país como México frente al extractivismo y la necesidad de conformar un sistema político democrático y liberal para proteger nuestros recursos. Alejandro C. Manjarrez y Leopoldo Mendivil, politizan para que se observe la urgencia de hacer algo por el país. En esencia, sus trabajos invitan a establecer las obligaciones que nos corresponden como sociedad. Su discusión sobre el pasado nos puede ayudar a conjurarlo y entender lo que tiene que hacerse.

La crisis energética y del medio ambiente provoca que las naciones hegemónicas sean, cada vez, más agresivas  y beligerantes. Los países emergentes, como México, deben consolidar sus democracias para negociar multilateralmente su posición y resguardar su independencia. La fuerza del autoritarismo genera respeto en el concierto internacional; empero, la democracia contiene un poder simbólico que genera civilización  y humanidad. Sólo un México democrático sorteará escenarios tan terribles como los que la literatura referida dibuja.

Bibliografía

Loyo Camacho Martha Beatriz (2004) Joaquín Amaro y el proceso de institucionalización del Ejército Mexicano 1917-1931. Ed. UNAM/FCE/INEHRM/Archivo Plutarco Elías Calles y Fernando Torreblanca. México

Davidow Jeffrey (2005) El oso y el puercoespín. Ed. Grijalbo/Mondadori. México

Mendivil López Leopoldo (2014) Secreto 1929. La Consumación. Ed. Debolsillo. México.

Exorcisms

Exorcisms



A few days, in San Luis Potosi, a meeting of Mexican bishops was held for a spell that rid the country of the Faustian influences ago. In reality, given the conditions that keep the scruples of high national Catholic hierarchy, it is likely that the process has resulted in reverse. The worship of money, prosperity and power that the more conservative side of the Mexican bishops consecrates, shows them as ambiguous and paradoxical, especially, contrary to the historical Christ. To spread the news of events as well, so contradictory, it is impossible not to feel admiration for the abandonment of Ratzinger, perhaps one of the most courageous Catholics of the century.

The enormous gap between senior Mexican bishops and the Bishop of Rome, hierarch of the Catholic Church, Jorge Bergoglio, was demonstrated recently by the Laudato encyclical. About the order has criticized Pope Francisco until the end, the role of a priest who is about people, nature and separated from theology or, if made, is a study of the release. The prolonged absence of Francisco in Mexico is more due to differences with the bishops of our country, and Catholicism follower of the theology of prosperity, that the fear of violence.

In the contempt of highest Catholic authority can now find it attractive to followers of the theology of prosperity the figure of God Mammon; who, incidentally, it seems to control fertile ground in the state of Puebla, where privatize everything aspirations are limitless. Local deputies proposed reform morenovallista fraction Municipal Organic Law, again, to continue in government centralization executed in this administration but, above all, to outsource to the state's municipalities, all in full confrontation with Article 115 of the Constitution.

To events like those of Iguala in Guerrero state, it is irrefutable argument pointing to the municipality as vulnerable to corruption, inefficiency, incompetence and all existing evils. However, more objectively observing the phenomenon, the authority that fails is not matched at the municipal level but the state government. In Michoacan and Guerrero they failed governors. Why better you do not intend to remove the Governors? Countries like France and the United States has a large number of municipalities and rely on this level of government to push. In Mexico, governors are responsible to the coups. The governors control what allowed to Lazaro Cardenas and Carlos Salinas de Gortari promote their policies.

Subtract the proposed powers to municipal governments to allow the privatization of public services is one of the strongest trends of the post-liberal wave in recent times in the country. Delivery to the extractive transnational driving Enrique Peña Nieto will be complemented by projects such as morenovallismo now want to eliminate the municipality, driven by the financial perspective. This way of thinking is typical of bankers; not political, although much time was lost makes the difference.

Structural violence of these reforms is increased each time. The plunder of the water, soil, air, land, landscape, streets, city and soon the person is pushing governments like Peña Nieto and morenovallismo to open conflict with society. In the past, economic attack harmed, especially to groups precariato causing emigration of them: Mexico has expelled nearly 20 million people in the years of neoliberalism. The last stamp neoextractivista financial model will have stronger consequences, the government wants all people to leave the country? Emigration not solve anything. These measures deliver individuals to drug trafficking or the insurgency.

It is neoliberalism where you should exorcise.

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Independent candidacies A Pandora's Box?

Independent candidacies A Pandora's Box?


By Diego Velázquez

The crisis of political parties is profoundly affecting the Mexican political system. The priato is regenerated in the absence of professional members on the left and right, and although it is true that the PRI is no longer the dominant party, the course of peñanietista government indicates that there is no crisis of governance that was supposed before July 7.

The domesticated left and right collaborative inhibited any risk to the machinery of PRI control. Neither the PRD and the PAN have interrupted the course of one's actions of economic modernization in the country. On the contrary, they have been welcomed repression, persecution and disappearance of social movements that express their opposition to the current government. It has become so political subordination of these institutes to peñanietismo that, though not civil war that lives inside by 2018, the PRI has had the luxury of restoring the secret game of succession; that is, the opposition party has become harmless.

The confrontations that have generated repositioning and corrections in the federal government come from the challenges they throw citizens and social movements. This is the reason that those who seek to positively change the Mexican government, have opted for independent candidates. And they were right!

While citizen candidacies risked not the monopoly of representation they have parties, they win some independent characters such symbolic power represented appalled the inner circles and oligarchies of the powers; they are the true owners of party institutes. The fact also gained resonance in the middle classes and other groups. If anyone wondered how Mexico assimilate the experience of the Spanish indignados or the Arab spring, maybe I should start tracking the phenomenon of independent candidates.

It is true that not all candidates of this type have the ideal characteristics; however, they showed competent, creative and inspiring leadership, quite different from the traditional and nauseating militant boring candidate or campaign conducted external characters.

In the late twentieth century, the depletion model PRI party was evident. A few years later, the left and right have reached very high levels of decomposition. They imported many defectors from the ruling party that, at last, pirates became copies thereof. Pragmatism led opposition that now govern PRI of all political parties.

The three major parties, and their satellites, have generated partitocracy hijacking the country. Can you do something to regenerate the party institutes? It is not possible, the time ran out. PVEM conduct shows insensitivity and cynicism of the political class.

Faced with this situation, independent candidates are beneficial to accelerate the consolidation of democracy in Mexico. In the coming years will be heard proposals for those who have no partisan or ideological yoke. Candidates are citizens railway radical democracy and his speech will be a powerful parties to redefine their election platforms mechanism. Mexico approaches in our time of Fujimori, Perot or Chavez, perhaps the most extravagant policy proposals; but also of the public demand to end the corrupt and oligarchic politics.

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