Friday, October 26, 2018

Discussion on the book: The Mexican Right in the Twentieth Century. Agony, transformation and survival (Campos and Velázquez (Coords.), 2017)









Discussion on the book: The Mexican Right in the Twentieth Century. Agony, transformation and survival (Campos and Velázquez (Coords.), 2017)
Chronicle

Last Thursday, October 25, was presented at the Maison du Mexique of the Cité Universitaire de Paris, in the voice of the researcher of the Benemérita Autonomous University of Puebla Gerardo Lozada Morales, the book entitled: "The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival", work emerged from the reflections of the Academic Body: "Multidisciplinary Studies of Politics and Law" (BUAP-CA-281).
The work systematized by Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (2017), with the collaboration of academics such as: James Wilkie, Edna Monzón, Samuel Schmidt, César Cansino, Elio Masferrer Kan, Austreberto Martínez Villegas, Hervey Rivera and Franco Savarino; In addition to the text's own coordinators, it was well received and commented by the Director of the Maison du Mexique of the Cité Universitaire de Paris: Alexander Naime, as well as PhD researchers from L'École des hautes études en sciences sociaux, research laboratories of the Mondes Americains and the Fondation Masison des Sciences de L'Homme, Dr. Edgardo Manero (CNRS-EHESS), Dr. Luis Martinez Andrade (FMSH), like Dr. Laura Brondino (Paris IV), Dr. Rodrigo Diaz Maldonado (Aix Provence) and Dr. Maria Laura Reali (Paris VII).
The work bursts against the current when addressing an uncomfortable issue in Mexican national politics, mainly for the groups in which the right and far right are concentrated. Situation derived from the fact that in Latin America there is a political shift to more conservative, religious, traditional and even Nazi-fascist positions. Is it possible that in Mexico and Latin America you can study, analyze, discuss, discern the right without the course of things imply a serious conflict? It seems not.
At least those were the conclusions and controversies that sparked the intervention of the commentators of the book and the audience. The resurgence of the rights in the West is the cornerstone for the partisan-electoral process in various countries of the world, this not excluding Latin America and Mexico. Hard times are approaching where violence will be present given the intolerance of the right and the extreme right to migrants, emerging social movements, the fight for the defense of equality and the rights of communities such as the LGBTTQQ and the reconfiguration of feminisms. Societies live a severe civilizational dilemma between supporting or rejecting conservative, traditional, religious and intransigent groups. A high point in the event was the discord over the arbitrary expulsion of teachers, students and staff of the House of Argentina in Paris, caused by the debate on the issue of abortion in the South American nation, an issue that allows us to glimpse the interference of the most representative religious groups of uncompromising integral Catholicism at the highest level.
For this reason, it is necessary to disseminate works such as "The Mexican Right in the Twentieth Century", not only because of the controversy it may generate, but also to understand the possibilities of change in societies as conservative as the Mexican and Ibero-American ones - one of the most important characteristics in question of the dominant policy. The political and social ambiguity generated a conservative modernity that simulates the democratic consolidation and the advance of liberalism, thus constructing a façade that closes the thought and search for the truth.
For Dr. Rodrigo Díaz Maldonado, it is necessary to deepen the thinking of Salvador Borrego, Salvador Abascal, Carlos Cuesta Gallardo and Manuel Díaz Cid; to mention some intellectuals representative of the Mexican conservative thought in the twentieth century and Catholic reserved societies. Rodrigo Díaz pointed out the need for an in-depth analysis of José Vasconcelos and to diminish the mistaken admiration towards a bad fascist philosopher and politician. A condition that, according to Dr. Laura Reali, was similar to other Latin American intellectuals who embraced National Socialism as a bulwark of integration and identity for the region.
For Dr. Luis Martínez Andrade, the book is a great contribution in the analysis of the configuration of the Mexican right (veneration of "Cristo Rey", the Cristiada, among other themes), however, supported by the Critical Theory, he stressed the importance of not to detach the study of this phenomenon from capitalist dynamics, because, as Max Horkheimer said, "whoever speaks of fascism without talking about capitalism, should better keep his mouth shut".
Likewise, Dr. Laura Brondino and Dr. Edgardo Manero agreed that it is urgent to develop historiographic and quantitative methodologies to identify the rightist ideology in Latin America; for them, there is no monocausality between the hegemony of Catholicism and the political preference of conservative nationalisms; likewise, they point out, it is mandatory to reinterpret geopolitics as an important anchor for the reactivation of radical right-wing thinking. The Mtro. Gerardo Lozada Morales reviewed the works contained in the book and the unique value they bring; at the same time that he pointed out -in the case of his personal work- the enormous contribution of the vasconcelismo to civic culture in Mexico, notwithstanding the conservative preferences of the Oaxacan philosopher.
The comments of the scholars provoked mixed feelings in the audience, who questioned the political changes in Ibero-America, particularly the cases of Mexico, Spain and Brazil. Likewise, they agreed to congratulate the opening of the House of Mexico in Paris and its Director Dr. Alexander Naime, for the study of a controversial issue but that contributes to dismantling taboos of the national political culture.
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Friday, October 12, 2018

Puebla. The donkey of Troy of the Mexican Ultra-Right


Resultado de imagen para burro de troya




 Puebla. The donkey of Troy of the Mexican Ultra-Right
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero





 https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/10/16/Puebla-El-burro-de-Troya-de-la-Ultraderecha-Mexicana

 The Puebla elections have shaken the interests and feelings of Mexican conservatism to the roots. If the morenovallismo loses the square, with its migration also move the privileges and spaces that they have usurped from, at least, five decades; although there is evidence of a greater hegemony. The "City of Angels" and its surroundings have been useful for the Catholic, Creole, technocratic, business and fascist reputation. If General Lázaro Cárdenas did not confront the local oligarchic structure, why would they allow MORENA to try to change the quasi-colonial hierarchy? The Mexican reaction will do anything to maintain its islets and haciendas.
The Neoavilacamachismo, headed by Rafael Moreno Valle, begins to show the weakness of López Obrador. The president-elect lacks political and economic strength to defeat a character who is successfully merging the Mexican reaction and the caciques of the Revolutionary Family. The Neoavilacamachismo will be for López Obrador what the Atlacomulco Group was for Ernesto Zedillo. Tragicomic repetition of what was the neoporphism for Francisco I. Madero? Will the president-elect review his allusive notes?
Puebla does not have the geostrategic importance of other Mexican states; however, symbolically, the defeat of Morena will be a great loss for the lopezobradorismo and, like Tabasco in the period zedillista, will be the starting point of the irreverence to the presidential figure and its movement. Andrés Manuel knows that story; but, he could also ask Manuel Bartlett the reasons of the Union of Governors in the fateful sexennium. The president-elect will face what is called a "juxtaposed government", that is, cohabitation with local governments of different political forces that are waiting to keep their fiefs. The legislative majority is of little use if the governors do not attend, understand, or want to understand.
The manner in which the electoral process of Puebla concludes, and not the NAICM, can be constituted as the sepulcher of the Fourth Transformation. An opportunist local right is convinced that AMLO won the presidency thanks to the system of proportional representation and, therefore, consider that the PAN must protect - even ignominy - its spurious triumph in the last state election. The neoavilacamachista cid is earning himself to be the new keeper of interests, custodial families and powers of the modern right, the secular right and the extreme right. As Gustavo Díaz Ordaz did.
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Tuesday, October 09, 2018

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review





The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review 

Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero y Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia
BUAP 

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinators): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp.
ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6 and ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

La derecha mexicana en el siglo XX. Agonía, transformación y supervivencia. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López y Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinadores): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp. 
ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6  y  ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4


1. Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero
Profesor Investigador del Instituto de Ciencias del Gobierno BUAP

This publication represents, in my opinion, one of the definitive advances to understand and interpret the current relationship between the Mexican political system and the Roman Catholic Church. Several articles analyze in depth and supported in a vast bibliography such crucial issues as the cult of Christ the King, the Cristiada, the assassination of the Jesuit Miguel Agustín Pro in the context of the main political-religious groupings in Mexico. In the third part highlights the chapter dedicated to the vicissitudes of Mexican fascism along with the Hispanic Heritage of Manuel Gómez Morín. Finally, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero -coordinators of the volume- analyze two topics of undeniable topicality: conservative feminism and the National Action Party, graphically described as THE CONSERVATIVE SMURF.
In the preface, it is rightly pointed out that in order to penetrate the tangled political jungle of Mexico, it is necessary to remember the great heterogeneity of the Mexican left, as well as the socio-political hedge of the right. The distinctive note are the articles included in the abundant and varied bibliography, on which the authors base their statements, and the clarity with which they present their varied theses. An essential article to understand the confusing current approach of the relations of the Mexican Government with the Holy See is the article by Elio Masferrer, in which he analyzes the control - not only religious - exercised by the Inquisition during the Colony. He then goes deeper into the analysis of the different historical periods: Independence, the 1930s and the contemporary Spanish political-religious situation. In order to understand "the strategic responses of the Catholic Church", as Elio Masferrer affirms, this author aptly quotes the funeral note published in memory of ex-Girolamo Prigione:

"Against what many think that Mexico gave everything and did not ask for anything, in
there really was not much to give or ask. However, Salinas
(the president) put a condition. That Miguel Hidalgo and José María
Morelos were redeemed from their excommunication. Girolamo Prigione, as
apostolic delegate, he proposed it to Pope John Paul II, who took it to
his canons, as his lawyers are called. The matter was studied and
They found a happy solution. Bishop Manuel Abad y Queipo was a
son had out of wedlock and that prevented him from being a bishop. A) Yes
that he only had the appointment of provisional bishop, but not definitive. Y
excommunication requires a definitive episcopal appointment. So,
therefore, Hidalgo and Morelos were never excommunicated and did not require
they would redeem. "
A second article also essential for the same purpose is the one dedicated to "The Faithful Spain", in which the concept of Hispanidad is analyzed as a generator of "authentic Hispanism". This admirable synthesis of "Mexicanness" and "Hispanicness" forged by Manuel Gómez Morín is crucial to understand the ideological development of the Mexican right. Fundamental factor, as the authors underline, to understand "the cultural and spiritual community between Spain and its colonies."
What would be the final evaluation that is imposed upon the conclusion of the reading of all the articles? A first evaluation is found in the preface written by Samuel Schmidt, James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie. We do not pretend to formulate a critical opinion of such lucid evaluations, but we do not hesitate to agree with these authors when they indicate that "this book is important because it allows us to study the origin and evolution of the political forces prevailing in Mexico."
It should be emphasized that the authors of the various chapters have described and deepened a political-religious theme in a creative and well-documented manner. This confirms the opinion of these three authors when affirming (ibid: 24) that "Patricia and Diego show us that there is not a single historical truth and that there is still much to be discovered and explained about the rights in Mexico".
Affirmation very understandable and acceptable. But, for our part, we allow ourselves to indicate that the accurate historical considerations directed towards the end towards "The Priista Smurf" (El Pitufo Priista) offer us, at the same time, an objective basis for deepening the "Vatican Smurf." They are two 'Smurfs' intimately connected for centuries. In Mexico we already have an abundant historical research on the relationships maintained for two centuries by these two politico-religious entities. It is time, to conclude, for the researchers to delve into the structural characteristics of the Vatican State capable of granting, preventing and reformulating apparently ecclesiastical distinctions, but which penetrate and configure the intimate historical structure of countries such as Mexico and Spain. 

 2. Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia
Profesor Investigador de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la BUAP 
Research Professor of the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences of the BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891148/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_2

 After the National Action Party rise to presidential power in 2000, a style of political activism that has operated in Mexico for more than a century was unveiled. The work of Álvaro Delgado entitled "The Anvil. The far right in power" (2003), was a watershed to understand the reconfiguration that had different actors who managed to converge with traditionalism, conservatism, religiosity, etc., to give rise to what can be defined as the Mexican right.
The discussion in Mexico on the right is already decimonial, if we go back to the discussion of authors like Hale (1982) we will know that the political and ideological role of the representatives of the same have transcended since the 19th century, heirs of a Mexico that did not end to distinguish beyond conservative liberalism of the nineteenth century.
The Mexican Right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival (2017) comes to be subscribed in the discussion, which to this day is latent in national history, about groups of past and contemporary conservatism. The text recovers the memory - still alive - of many characters forgotten by history and ignored for being in the disagreement of the great men of the revolutionary period; nevertheless, they are real architects of the change and Mexican political transformation.
Divided into 4 parts the text takes us through a first discussion and approach to the concepts and categories of what is called symbolic representation with the contributions of compilers and national researchers Cesar Cansino and Elio Masferrer, important in this section to observe the Mexican ideological compass (Cancino, 2017: 44) to size and locate the range of topics on the Mexican right. In the second part, the cult of Christ the King in the moments of Mexican nationalism during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the religious themes linked to the peasant movements of that historical period of the nation; It gives an account of the formation of Mexican ultra-right groups and of characters still little known in history such as Miguel Agustín Pro. In the third part and as political alternatives of the Mexican right, we explain the set of fascist expressions of these social components of the right, like José Vasconcelos himself, led to sympathize with Nazism, the Hispanic heritage of Gómez Morin, as well as the description of the activism of discrete groups of the caliber of MURO, Yunque and Tecos, made by Gerardo Lozada and Hervey Rivera; in the fourth and final part the work leaves the slopes where the right can reconfigure itself in the present, through the phenomenon of Conservative Feminism headed by Margarita Zavala, and the role of the "Priista Smurf"; which reveals the power relationship that led the PAN to collaborate with the regime's party that was antagonistic since its creation in 1939.
The work coordinated by Xóchitl Patricia and Diego Martín, is a serious example of the symbolic reconfiguration and political praxis that the right wing had in Mexico during the 20th century, through a fine collaboration of academics. From the beginning the work highlights the interview with James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie, on the part of Samuel Schmidt to rescue through the thought of Manuel Gómez Morin the ideological bases that constituted the PAN.
The work of recovery and hermeneutic analysis of the work, the handling of documentary sources not widely disseminated in the national and regional scope, as well as the exploration of topics such as ultra-right groups and their involvement in alternative projects of the nation is the hallmark of originality of This product of academic research that also speaks of a dynamic and historical social inertias in many parts of contemporary Mexico, which are still awaiting new epistemological approaches with which to observe the transformation and survival of the Mexican right, the intensification of the authors was to gather different contributions to make a formal analysis that would lead us to think about the different types of conservatives and rights in our country.

 Delgado, A. (2003). The anvil. The extreme right in power. Mexico: Plaza and Janés.
Hale, C. (1982). Mexican Liberalism in the time of Mora. Mexico. Ed. Siglo XXI
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Monday, October 01, 2018

Cold War and subordination of the Mexican political class

Cold War and subordination of the Mexican political class


http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/10/03/guerra-fria-y-subordinacion-de-la-clase-politica-mexicana-2/

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero



The international scenario after the Second World War determined the geopolitical position of Mexico as an ally of the United States of North America, for it played a fundamental role clerofascism. Between 1926 and 1942 a harassment against the Mexican State was generated by the Holy See and the elements of Catholic nationalism that disturbed US foreign policy. After the attacks of Pearl Harbor, North America forces the Mexican government to admit the sinarquismo in the governability of the country. This situation should be highlighted when studying the structure and conformation of national elites. Peter Smith describes the labyrinths of political power in Mexico, but he forgot to study the drainage of catacomb catholicism.
During the Cold War our country was constituted as a right-wing system. A civil right and a religious right, were the lanes where the Mexican political system was structured. Like other experiences in Latin America and the world, social frameworks were consigned to characters that oriented a conservative modernity without risk for the balance of nuclear containment.
Repression and harassment have been measures against those who seek to build an authentic nationalism or disagree with the liberal western model. The binomial CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) -National Catholicism has been the core of the PRI, PRIAN and PRIANRD in recent times.
Connoted politicians, businessmen, priests and diverse characters, were at the service of pentagonism to "save the world from the Masonic communist Jewish conspiracy." Justify crimes against humanity, upset the facts, hide evidence and encourage the dispossession of the poor, are the tasks of the apostles and evangelizers of Occidentalism. The Latin American right does not defend the values ​​of liberal democracy, it is subordinated to the American war economy and will hardly change in the short term.
1968 should be the reminder of the cost involved in building a free nation against the interests of the superpowers. The authoritarianism and dirty war that continued at that time, are the sign of the risk implied by the absence of true citizenship in Mexican society. 1968 is the memorandum that American and Vatican control of our country is deeper than the shameful neoliberal clauses. Now that communism has been replaced by drug trafficking as the new enemy of the United States, it is highly probable that this political class is willing to turn Mexico into a stage for Tom Clancy's novels.
The Cold War implied the beginning of youth killings and the disappearance of social movements in Mexico. Representatives of Catholic Nationalism such as Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, Luis Echeverría Álvarez and the technocratic generations that have continued, have sacrificed thousands of people in our country to be part of the oligarchy subordinated to North America. However, they have been the worst managers of US imperialism: Mexico expels millions of emigrants and drugs, the United States is increasingly poor and addicted. The clerofascismo seems to be the unbeaten actor of the postwar period.
The construction of a new regime in our country coincides with the real weakening of North America. Something serious must happen in the country of bars and stars if in the foresight of George Friedmann and Samuel Huntington, the Mexican question is a civilizational risk without comparison or understanding. The societies of both countries must understand that the cost of a control like the one that was put into practice during the Cold War era is onerous for all. Pentagonism is no longer an option for North America, the United States is an empire that must begin to federalize. Mexico must value the circumstantial independence that fate provides in the current context, it is essential the secularization of all social structures and the full awareness of the damage that Catholic nationalism -the right- has caused -and intends to continue to cause- in the evolution from the country.
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