Thursday, January 31, 2019

Anticommunism, the old rage in Latin America







Anticommunism, the old rage in Latin America
January 31, 2019
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/31/Anticomunismo-la-a%C3%B1eja-rabia-hispanoamericana

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) no longer exists; However, in Latin America the political culture seems to have not heard. When Latin American governments and politicians insist on becoming nationalists, soon disqualifications arise where the anticommunist paroxysm radically sprouts. This unreason has been the factor that, throughout the twentieth century, has prevented the consolidation of the State and the Republic; underdevelopment is the obvious consequence. To end the eternal Latin American poverty, in terms of Rhina Roux, it is enough to return their costumes to the Prince.

Anti-communism was accompanied by unbearable US military interventions. The geopolitical capacity of the North American empire has been radical in the conjunctural moments of Latin nationalism. But times have changed, democratization and the market modified the international game; The United States will end up hurting itself if it decides to summon the anticommunist networks of its strategy.

Robert Pastor describes the conflictive cycle of Spanish-American relations as "swirling". Neither learns nor tries to understand the other. The concrete thing is that Yankee interventionism only results in poverty, corruption, emigration, drug trafficking and all the ills of what is now called the "Failed State". These diseases have been infected and spread in the American Union, the advances of these pathologies within American social capital are stratospheric. Samuel Huntington and George Friedman have warned it decades ago, the United States must stop attending to the ayatollahs of hate and religious fundamentalists just as they did when they let go of Edmund Walsh if they do not want to fail as it happened recently with the most extensive of their paralyzes governmental.

Venezuela's populist regime is exhausted, it's true; however, worse is a military intervention and ridiculous an immediate request for elections. Maduro must be helped to complete his government or make general elections at a reasonable, fair and competitive time. To seek a solution like the one in Guatemala in 1954 is to forget how much the world has changed. The anti-communists stayed in 1905. The world can scrupulously observe the following elections and the Bolivarian government must abandon power if the people no longer hold it.

Today there is Russia, an old empire with a geopolitical and military power similar to the United States but with a greater capacity to adapt to the times of globalization. American society knows the Russian power in its own flesh, it is the modern instruments - formal and informal - that allowed the recovery and development of the most significant central state of the Slavic Baltic civilization. The 1962 crisis could be repeated; but, this time, the nuclear warheads and something else would remain. Venezuela is not alone.

Robert Pastor rightly points out that the teleological principles of American foreign policy must change with respect to Latin America. The American Union must extend throughout the continent and the region can share development, democracy and security in a co-responsible and confederate manner. Local anti-communism must be rejected not only because it is anachronistic but also because it is dangerous and abusive. Latin American schizophrenia always results in the benefit of a parasitic and medieval oligarchy. Even though the Catholic Church has ceased to be anti-Communist and Mario Bergoglio himself placed himself in a position similar to that of the Mexican government, the Constantine radicals long for the arrival of the Marines everywhere and in all the countries of the hemisphere. His great technocratic capacity only reaches to produce mentalities like that of Luis Pazos.

Anti-anti-Communism can be a reference of our time. Communism is dead and it is time that anticommunism - and its brothers: Nazism, Judeophobia, clericalism, fascism, etc. - also do it. How else will ideas and politics be renewed in our republics?

Wednesday, January 09, 2019

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center
January 9, 2019



Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/09/Puebla-el-orden-aunque-venga-del-centro?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA



One of the main scholars of the elections in Puebla, Dr. Víctor Reynoso (1997), wrote some years ago about the institutional informality that was impelled in the entity in order to achieve control, stability and order for the historical social conflict between conservatives , liberals and progressives. The title that heads this column refers to this academic work that took the meaning of a popular expression regarding the local inability to generate stable governments. Several years later it seems that Puebla is in the same circumstances and with the same people. Order was lost and there are many shared responsibilities.

Puebla is - essentially - conservative and any modernization awakens the monsters of the identity quarrels. Progress and modernity are desirable phenomena; but, not at any cost and, either, in any way. From there, we must see the impulse that led to morenovallismo to power, its actions, conflicts and tragedies. The morenovallismo did not want to be a neoavilacamachismo, it lacked, or it left him, time, means, public work, consensus, legitimacy, violence. You will never know.

Morenovallismo does not constitute the nucleus of the black box of the political system of Puebla. However, the disappearance of the character that represented it is not similar to the figure of Maximino Ávila Camacho, this yes, structuring a series of elements and balances that achieved cohesion and persistence to conserve power in Puebla, as well as reach the national level . Now, avilacamachismo is restructuring itself to survive in the context of the Fourth Transformation.

Morenovallismo, in fact, was imposed on most of the actors and even sought to subdue the avilacamachismo and change the weights. This is the reason why, in their absence, the factions seek to survive and adapt to the circumstances of the regime. However, there is something in both phenomena that coincide with territorial power: its capacity to generate conflicts. In the immediate history of Puebla that was the characteristic of the political group that built the "Pact of Honor and Justice" in the first half of the Mexican XX century. Currently, it seems that this anarchic era emerges with all its strength. The same academic asked Morenovallismo, recently, in reference to the disputed local elections of 2018: "Does that democracy want?"

The local history shows that Puebla maintains a factionalism that produces radical struggles. The avilacamachismo was controlled, and the state also, with three governors emanating from the presidential orbit in the era of the Hegemonic Party outside the entity. Should something similar happen in the contemporary era to find order and peace?

The avilacamachismo can agree with the federal government. The disappearance of the morenovallismo, from this perspective, does not move away the possibility of other protagonisms and intermediations. Puebla requires a "Table for Peace" before elections. It is urgent because Tyrians and Trojans, Moors and Christians, do not cease in their attempts to rival the extreme, forgetting that the fracture of past elections can lead to something else. In such a context, we all lose. No growth, no development, no social justice. Coexistence or non-existence. The historical actors and with true moral height could hasten a dialogue of this type. Local political succession implies a mediation between regional and national power. Puebla has really serious problems in terms of poverty, security, emigration, economic growth, health and, above all, planning.

Unkept promises

Unkept promises
December 21, 2018



Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/12/21/Promesas-Incumplidas?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

The political concertacesiones evidence the limits of the fourth transformation. There is a comparison between Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Francisco I. Madero that may have a similar result: the conviction regarding a moral leadership as a sufficient element to change Mexico. There is no doubt that both characters have made the deepest and most honest diagnoses in relation to the national situation; However, as Catherine Mansell points out, they reflect a noble spirit that refuses to assert itself in the matter.

The people abandoned Francisco I. Madero when he entered the labyrinth of political indecision. Sometimes it is thought that Madero was the apostle of democracy that Mexico did not understand. It is difficult to believe that in the days of the Tragic Tenth no contingent came to his aid. Other occasions, one comes to consider that Madero was an enlightened one whose immolation would awaken the true national spirit; However, the martyrdom of the caudillo ended up causing enormous suffering. Will the revolutionary Quijote project ever be understood? Society moved away when the Maderismo sought its benefit and the licensing of the real agents of social transformation. That is why General Emiliano Zapata pronounced the Plan of Ayala and his metaphysical odyssey will ride the first year of this six-year term.

The utopia of a just, legal, democratic and peaceful Mexico has found a wall in the ambivalent mode of some distinguished members of MORENA who corral the main changes in the configuration of the new regime. Emilio Olivier Fernandez affirmed that Mexican politics only knows how to conjugate a verb: early morning. And that is what they are doing to the fourth transformation.

MORENA comes to power with the structural weakness of change without rupture. The Maderismo could not govern and generated a revolution that took everything: the good and the bad. It took the Official Party more than thirty years to consolidate to "blood and fire" the discipline of a Revolutionary Family as well as institutions. The collaborative factionalism was not democratic, but it established a governability and control that, nevertheless, generated a healthy partisan behavior to the political system; at least, even before the neoliberal arrival.

The divisions, leadership, conflicts and opportunism within MORENA will result in situations such as those of the Judiciary, the Senate and local governments. The fourth transformation faces disciplined, institutionalized organizations, consolidated in a series of prejudices and habits that are forming a serious opposition willing to conquer the legislative power, the states and the presidency of the republic; before the end of the sexennium. MORENA is limited to MORENA, in the membership of the movement there are many contradictions -properties of the left-; but, also, derived from opportunism and internal betrayals more than the charismatic leader, the people who supported the fourth transformation. At this rate, society will be in the worst orphanage and the state of violence will be permanent.

AMLO's eschatology begins to crash into reality. The pricomunistas, political turncoats, reborn and organic intellectuals who affirmed themselves as the militia of the national regeneration, are preferring the nicodemicas relations with the powers that be. The high expectations that led to a certain political option implied a break and; Paradoxically, the Morenoites are selecting the opposite.

In the first weeks of the new government, distinguished members of Morena have shown the worst mood of conspiracy and pragmatism, they forget the cost of disappointments and betrayals. Neither utopian nor pragmatic, Mexico needs a capable, strong, competent, nationalist and coherent government. Without results, without partisan discipline, without true loyalty to the People, the lopezobradorismo will become a Church without believers and the country now will be on the cliff. Governance requires decisions, a thermidor that shapes a new Mexico and removes the pathologies that overwhelm our society.