Puebla: bureaucratic domination laid bare

 Puebla: bureaucratic domination laid bare

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The disappearance of the last governors-elect in Puebla has revealed the structure of a group crouching in the state public administration since the time of the Morenovalistas that, finally, can no longer hide and must face the task of showing its face to make some of its intentions manifest. policies or, at least, constitute the image of responsibility for the state of affairs in local government.

The state bureaucracy that has taken the reins of political power in Puebla lacks the strength and summons to form a powerful electorate with a view to 2024. They do not constitute an exalted technocracy but rather a trusted group that adhered to the guidelines of the leading leaders in the last fifteen years. This intermediate body always had a divided loyalty between the group that directed the government and the dark oligarchy of the factual powers as well as the regional chiefdoms; although, above all, he is distinguished by an eternal love of the budget.

Circumstances have given this clique the possibility of renewing the political cadres in Puebla, not only about new faces but about characters who have the opportunity to mark regional and local history. Fortune is also a capricious protagonist of politics, but it does not always indicate that it will provide society with what it truly needs. While the bureaucrats cannot believe the amount of power that emptiness has granted them, a poverty prevails in Puebla that gives room for all kinds of negative actions. That is the most serious legacy of avilacamachismo, the disorder to establish a status of permanent looting.

These brief representative periods of microgovernment are highly likely to be inconsequential. It is unfortunate that the federation and the national government do not insist on changing the poblano muégano. The inertia that has governed Puebla since Rafael Moreno Valle is no longer enough to maintain order and address some of the regional issues.

Puebla demands a political class, a project that encompasses the entity and does not remain short-sighted to only attend the capital or some of the regional development pivots. The south has become the north of the political compass that claims to represent the Fourth Transformation, although in the entity this is only a fallacy and misguidance. Puebla continues to be the Vladivostok of the National Palace, the dark shadow of Lopezobradorism becomes the harsh reality. And meanwhile, in the absence of political talent, the crouching bureaucracy worries about the assault on power and the best positioned political parties.

The staging of a media coup

 The staging of a media coup

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The attack suffered by Ciro Gómez Leyva has tried to demonstrate the repressive capacity of the Fourth Transformation against opposition journalism and, nevertheless, the communicator's own actions have ended up demonstrating that the members of the red circle are not champions of liberal capitalist democracy but mercenaries of the American drug empire in charge of carrying out an Operation Success in Mexico. True heirs of Jorge Prieto Laurens more than of Manuel Buendía. Or does Calvo Sotelo already feel?

From the moment the journalist approaches the home of Manlio Fabio Beltrones, the dilemma that arises between going to the corresponding authorities or the help of the magical godparents is observed. Gómez Leyva has been the promoter of a soft media coup against Mexico, by victimizing himself as a node of freedom and reflecting all the negative things that happen in the country during the AMLO presidency and not for years. Gómez Leyva does not trust the Mexican government, as hundreds of compatriots do in their usual reality, impunity has always been the whole of Mexico, not now. Mexico has been one of the most dangerous countries in the world for decades to practice journalism, it is not a current issue. I hope that the journalists of the red circle soon realize the aggressive reality that thousands of Mexican communicators live. The stupidity of Ciro Gómez Leyva to accuse that AMLO destroyed Mexican Denmark after 2018, shows the degree of corruption, cynicism, influentialism and affluence that aristocratic journalism lives.

Despite the fact that Gómez Leyva's critical ethics leads him to refute government results every second, the first thing he does is communicate with representatives of drug trafficking to request information regarding his mishap and almost propose a Sicilian pact while listening to the audience. This is not the case of other journalists who have inquired with the protagonists of drug trafficking groups to understand the logic of the struggle and government corruption, p. eg Julius Scherer. What happened to Gómez Leyva happened to thousands of Mexicans, from the combi or minibus to the domiciliary residences; but it must be recognized that his journalism encourages impunity and motivates violence as do the television series of the companies where he has worked.

The classism and aporophobia of the commentocracy of the red circle has no limits. Why does nobody remember the journalists from La Jornada and other local media outlets killed by organized crime in different entities? How many of the Mexican journalists have armored trucks? How are those in the red circle going to be the victims with so many billions in agreements? Ciro is not Manuel Buendía, on the contrary. Why isn't Gomez Leyva so critical of Loret de Mola despite the evidence of his lies and corrupt associations? Why doesn't he criticize the multi-million dollar agreements historically made by the companies where he has worked with the political parties in power?

Ciro Gómez Leyva, like Kate del Castillo, knows that the Mexican State has its limits and, sometimes, frankly in the majority, does not want to, cannot, confront the narco-power. The construction of a State depends on the governmental structure and the disposition of a people to form citizenship. The State without soldiers, bureaucrats and citizens, especially the latter, only exists in the imagination. The characters in question are not good Mexican citizens, nor are they willing to be, like the vast majority of society and, specifically, the groups that have greater economic privileges. The bourgeoisies are more prone to liberal anarchy than marginalized social groups, this can also be evidenced from historical inferences regarding the social order.

And, then, what is Ciro Gómez Leyva complaining about if with his actions he assumes that he prefers another type of patronage? Businessmen, drug traffickers or the CIA; that to harm Mexico are the same? What do you ask of the Mexican State if you know that it is defeated in the face of the drug addicted Imperialism of the United States of America?

The defeat of the Mexican State against US drug trafficking is total. The war cannot be won when everyone submits to the drug empire and the imaginary state is required to do something. Without taxpayers, without soldiers, without citizens, who is being asked to bring order? Over time, most of the actors submit to the account of the Yankee drug empire, it is easier to be part of the problem instead of building a solution. The narco-empire gives Ciro and Kate armored trucks and CIA agents, but contributes to the extermination of thousands of journalists who broadcast the war in their communities. It is not a self-attack, it is a coup and betrayal of Mexico.

Puebla: Is the alternation derailed?

 Puebla: Is the alternation derailed?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

In some entities, factionalism predominates over projects and political parties, as it has been in the entity where the avilacamachista cacicazgo reverberates everywhere. And as happened with the General from Teziutlán, death abruptly decides the political destiny of the people of Puebla. Although it is considered that true democracy lies in the end of things, fatality is also a totalitarian condemnation that cannot be evaded in Puebla.

The disappearance of constitutional governor Miguel Barbosa creates a power vacuum that affects local elites and shows the wear and tear generated by the anger between the center and the periphery, between Puebla and the Federation. Although the provostship of Maximino Ávila Camacho served to condense a rocky hegemony of the groups that supported his rule, the disappearance of the personalist leader generated a negotiation model and volatile loyalties that put Puebla into a facade governance. Rafael Moreno Valle surpassed avilacamachismo and tried to generate a platform from the local level to achieve the power of the republic, the fall of his person demonstrates the scope and cost of the provincial and oligarchic Grupo Puebla.

In Puebla, the struggle between the local PRI and the DF PRI continues to set the pace for power. The avilacamachista muégano is very strong, but always vulnerable due to his lack of project, loyalty and characters. Rural and traditional caciquismo cannot be the eternal mark of Puebla, such has been the message of the center for several years and of the incipient urban progressive middle classes, but the muégano from Puebla does not give in, it does everything necessary to maintain the conservatism and not move anything, not an iota of modernity or change. Although involved in the left-wing Morenista militancy, Barbosa did not always support the policies of the federal government and he confronted the progressive militancy of his own party, even coinciding more with the opposition groups to AMLO and close to Catholic nationalism. Empathy does not lie, nor do portfolios in public administration.

The succession in Puebla was imagined in a prospective similar to the capital of the entity, that is, a morenista government of reduced effectiveness that generated a political realignment in executive control. Although if you look closer, it seemed more like a plan with all the skill in the world. They even came to think: "Barbosa will not appoint a governor, but he will negotiate the best positions for his group", that is, the muégano from Puebla, the local PRI.

The vicissitudes of his disappearance left the Puebla elites of Puebla orphaned. Will they have Plan B, C, D or n? Will the Puebla Group be subject to the influence of the presidency of the republic, the demonized AMLO? Does the PRI of the DF have a free field, that is, Nacho Mier? The powerful Morenovallismo was extinguished in a triste, so it will happen with barbosismo, so it happens with the personalist factions in life when they have not been able to make parties, projects and, above all, political citizenship. Governments pass and Puebla continues to be one of the poorest and most marginalized entities in the country, the indolence of the elites is worse than that of Pedro Páramo.

The labyrinth of the population depends on the will-o'-the-wisp and the poetry of crime.