Lozano and Verastegui. The marginalized radical right
Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero
The neoliberal economic modernization preferred by Claudio X. González and the Broad Front as a political option, has generated that the Catholic nationalist groups show themselves as cliques of rednecks at the service of pragmatic economic groups.
In the electoral process of 2024, the independent participation of the tendencies that, at some point, reflected a singular part of the National Action Party is glimpsed.
While it was considered that the Hispanic VOX effect would allow the structuring of a radicalism similar to that developed in some European political processes, the truth is that -as in the Synarchist era- Catholic nationalism becomes the true shameful right for the groups neoliberal and business articulated around Claudio X. González.
The divergence of Gilberto Lozano and Eduardo Verástegui with the profile of Xóchitl Gálvez -probably the ideal candidate of the Broad Front for Mexico for the presidency of the republic- goes beyond a difference due to inclusion or religious moral conflict. Synarchism has been dying out along with the decline of the Mexican peasantry, neoliberalism has done what neither the State nor secularization achieved: make Catholic Tridentism in politics bizarre.
The neoliberal economic modernization preferred by Claudio X. González and the Broad Front as a political option, has generated that the Catholic nationalist groups show themselves as cliques of rednecks at the service of pragmatic economic groups.
Therefore, the separation of Lozano and Verástegui from the Broad Front for Mexico means a unique challenge in the evolution of the right for the country.
After the meeting of the CPAC (Conservative Political Action Conference) and the visit of Santiago Abascal from VOX to Mexico, the scenario marked better paths for the religious right; now, Lozano and Verástegui play the role of Muñoz Ledo and Cárdenas in 1987. With Xóchitl Gálvez, what the Broad Front represents is a pro-American and neoliberal right, assuming the progressive liberal social modernization that this implies.
So far, the political preferences for Lozano and Verástegui are low. Even the structure of the ecclesiastical hierarchy seems to abandon them for the sake of electoral profitability. The radical right in Mexico is extinguished and the 2024 elections constitute the stage to lead a Numantine fight against accelerated social change or retirement in the concealment of discreet and reserved groups such as the white guerrilla of the national oligarchy.
And although the apparent agony of Hispanic Catholic nationalism and philonazism should generate tranquility, the strength of invisible power and human evil as equivalents are sufficient reasons to distrust.