The political defection

The Political Defection

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

 

When the Cold War represented the reality of global life, the superpowers made political agreements with extremely authoritarian actors to justify control of space.

Each alliance involved a few bastards who suited them for reasons of geostrategy.

The political defection of our time can be expressed in this way.

The hegemonic party takes the elements and cadres it needs without questioning too much about their ethical performance.

They represent positions necessary for total domination.

Defection changes when it is to the left or right.

The left is oriented under anthropological pessimism and liberalism moves in optimistic defection.

During the transition to democracy, defection was considered necessary because it would imply the development of independent and convinced political offers as in those post-communist societies.

The formation of free and autonomous political offers would allow society to choose between consolidated and institutionalized political parties.

Defection represented possibilities of liberation and learning.

Change as the fate of the person, the destiny and the teaching of life.

On the left, especially the one that interprets Marxism in a fundamentalist way, defection is seen as a temporary necessity, but with the possibility of exhausting it in the immediate future.

For the left, defection has no solution or remedy, the defectors are disposable and, therefore, the Stalinist purges are observed in a context where it is thought that society is the same as communities of amoebas, bees or ants.

Political liberalism is a path of civilization and social optimism; populism is not.

For the dictatorship of the majorities, the cadres that defect to Morena and that are now theirs, do not have the capacity for regeneration and in the immediate future they will be discarded because there will be no possibility of development for them, the path is to support the riddle of popular sentiment.

The justification of transfuguism as established by Sabina Berman and company, represents the death of politics, that is, the death of the solution of conflicts through civilized and parliamentary means.

Berman considers that politics has to be done by other means, violence, for example, because that and nothing more than that, represents the Yunes Clan and in those canons they came to establish agreements with Morena; as the PRI and the PAN did.

Sabina Berman cancels freedom and politics. She recognizes in her conciliatory argument with Yunism that the parliamentary, ideological and governmental capacity of the Morena is ending and an authoritarian cooptation is approaching as the communist and Nazi regimes initially practiced.

French cohabitation in crisis

 French cohabitation in crisis

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The French model is always exemplified as a hybrid regime, with a double engine, a political engineering design that broke the curse of anarchy. France is one of the few cases where parliamentarism could not flourish democracy, it was necessary to destroy four republics for the fifth to function regularly; until now, when Emmanuelle Macron seems willing to blow up the political regime or, like Marshal Petain, hand it over to the Nazis.

The 5th Republic, one of the most admired regimes in Latin America, in addition to electoral innovations and legislative control, also moved on the assumption of courtesy and political civility. Mitterrand and Chirac, for example, despite the great power of the Head of State in the Gallic country, respected the institutionality of semi-presidentialism and tested the parliamentary engine when the legislative forces were adverse; Of course, the ministers of the cohabitation also showed legal responsibility and loyalty to the political system. The semi-presidential model, based on the speed of the French guillotine, is designed to force collaborative work between dissident forces.

The crisis of the traditional political parties has forced the French electorate to empower an outsider representative of the Ancien Régime. Macron's detachment from the bases and social movements in his country has been demonstrated on several occasions: repression, adjustment policies, reduction of social policy, incentives to the bourgeoisie, etc. However, the recent second round of legislative elections deserves to be taken into consideration by the presidential criteria, the commitment of the socialists and other progressive forces to republican democracy was more than evident; therefore, Macron's inability to appoint a Prime Minister who corresponds to the left-wing coalition must be considered as high treason.

In the future, Macron perhaps plans to govern with the criteria of Vladimir Putin. Russia also has a semi-presidential design that it has never used, it could ask parties like United Russia or the PRI, the ways to achieve a qualified majority and avoid the unpleasant compromises of the second rounds.

France is the big question of the multicultural model. The 5th Republic is not only admired for its ability to digest a participation that overloads democracy but also for proposing a governance design to generate collaboration between antipodal political parties and social groups with a high level of cleavage, rupture and social differentiation. Macron behaves like a mischievous PRI president; but the thing goes further, his betrayal shows that he deeply distrusts multiculturalism and radical democracy, also that he does not believe in the French institutional design.

Macron sides with the conservative waves that also embrace populism and violate democracy. The right-wing ideas of Le Pen, Zemmour, De Benoist and Finkielkraut are gaining ground in a rebellious France that only has the streets and the Arab Spring left.

Transfuguism and infiltration

 Transfuguism and infiltration

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The hangover from the electoral process has generated the partisan emigration of several political cadres towards Morena, which had been happening since the beginning of the six-year term; but, now, it has increased disproportionately after the triumph of Sheinbaum Pardo and represents an uncontrollable phenomenon. Beyond the opportunism and pragmatism that these practices constitute, the despicable nature of some cases allows us to frame a greater phenomenon: infiltration. Transfuguism manifests the main Machiavellian virtue, that is, simulation; which in situations of siege and imperialism such as those that attack Mexico, should be taken with greater interest and attention.

In the studies of the Mexican extreme right, the journalist Álvaro Delgado describes the infiltration processes that secret societies promoted in the different economic, political and social sectors; until reaching a degree of almost absolute control. Institutions such as the PRI and the Mexican Army did not represent a major obstacle to the permeability of external agents, nor did co-optation serve as an insulator or a method of control. Loyalties in societies in transition are inexplicable. The infiltration carried out by other types of secret societies such as drug trafficking, crime and foreign agents, how much can be regulated in Morena?

The Hegemonic Party that is glimpsed in the organizational future of Morena may turn out to be a façade due to the disconnection that is noted between leadership cadres, public representatives, militants and society. No organization escapes the iron law of the oligarchy, the issue lies in ensuring that the leadership corresponds to the goals and bases of the movement. The narrative proposed by Gerardo Fernández Noroña, in concrete terms, is partially disconnected from reality, to the benefit of Lilly Téllez.

The elites represent one of the most pessimistic axioms of the social sciences, but these historical laws can also be reinterpreted. The formation of good elites, corresponding to the historical moment that a society is experiencing, can be achieved by regulating phenomena such as defection and the development of forms of party control and institutionalization.

The new and recent passengers of Morenoism are not innocuous agents. The political class has represented a risk for the Mexican State due to its lack of education, commitment and characteristic patrimonialism; what other risk do they represent if they obey principles alien to the national interest?