Artificial Right-Wings in Mexico
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
With the exception of openly pro-Cuadro-teist news programs, almost no one takes into account the developments of political movements such as those led by Raúl Tortolero, Eduardo Verástegui, Mexico Republicano, and FRENAAA. After the elections for the judiciary, as well as the local elections in Veracruz and Durango, the country's Hispanic and neoliberal right-wing movements have held back, ceding public opinion to right-wing groups that present themselves as extremists but, in concrete reality outside the internet and social media, lack impact.
Mexican politics, influenced by a culture of masks and co-optation, always tries to incorporate traditional ruling elements through a form of transformation where the economic, political, and social hierarchy remains the same. Morena has been integrating too many opposition figures into its political structure and marginalizing pure and faithful elements.
The extreme right in Mexico represents more of a spectacle than a reality; However, it serves to paralyze the neoliberal right, which, in effect, lacks the arguments to oppose Morena and, likely, faced with the need for specialists and technocrats increasingly demanded by the Fourth Transformation regime, is waiting their turn to join López Obradorism, as has happened with the most diverse hegemonic taxonomy.
Figures without followers, with minimal social structures and a more than radical austerity, suddenly generate quasi-fascist messages to try to reach the presidency of the republic and promote a revolution against the regime. Offline, none of this happens. The Mexican far right is a virtual right, lacking resources and a variant between the Catholic clerical structure and the ruling political class of Mexico and the United States. The messages of the far right, no matter how radical they may present themselves, do not seem to have any binding effect or mechanism in society. Even the Pink Tide mobilizations have been left adrift.
The neoliberal democratic project that the PRIANRD and middle-class civil society groups had sought to build during the transition period through competitive elections no longer shows any signs of life. Lopezobradorism has imposed itself by default and has been aided by extremist figures who have displayed a Nazi-like right wing in Mexico, but one that is practically harmless.
The Mexican right wing is clientelist and, as in the recent past, will be incorporated into the hegemonic model of political control in order to function. Meanwhile, like Salvador Borrego in María Auxiliadora, the followers of the neoliberal technocratic PRIAND will experience permanent starvation.
