Thursday, April 13, 2017

USA: Light on the street, darkness of his house

USA: Light on the street, darkness of his house



The US bombing of Syria and Afghanistan as well as the provocations against North Korea show that the geopolitics of the White House want to continue with the useless exercise of competing for the Russian, Chinese and Islamic natural areas of influence. Donald Trump's performance on the international stage will be worse than Barack Obama's since Western hegemony is over. As America wears out controlling global terrorism, its natural space tends to become more complex and more serious.
The solution to Muslim fundamentalism depends on respecting the Central States of the Middle East. As Samuel Huntington pointed out, globalization must consider cultural differences if it aspires to generate communication between different peoples. North America must retreat to the limits of its living space and this forces Donald Trump to reconsider public policies within his country as well as in the immediate perimeter.
The United States during the Cold War era maintained a similarity between its foreign policy and national interest. Now, this superpower no longer has the ability. So that the government of the American Union can stop, at least, the American decadence, it is necessary that they reformulate the policy of isolationism and exceptionalism that was the axis of the Trump campaign.
Undoubtedly, Russia has more capacity to control Muslim terrorism than North America itself. Distance has generated new costs and technological change is also a variant to consider.
If Donald Trump aspires to become the Native American Son trying to build a new country, he would have to look at the experience of Vladimir Putin. This leader, according to the political scientist Richard Sakwa, emerges at a time when a great economic, political and social crisis is generated that cost several losses to a Russia attacked by the worst wild capitalism and an internal civilizational conflict for the disenchantment with the democracy and the globalization. It has taken Putin almost two decades to get Russia back. In this years America has been deeply mistaken. It is no longer the context of the Cold War, now the world is a site too complex and, rather than ideologies, it is cultures that will determine the course of international relations.

The "Trump Era" is beginning to become an ambiguous governance. His government must explain and justify what has happened to the radical measures that had been arranged in the beginning. The attack on Syria and Afghanistan is a replica of Barack Obama's mistakes. Donald Trump should put order in his house and yard of it. Looking at the figures published a few months ago by the important mexican journalist Carlos Ramirez on the subject of drug addiction in USA, there remains the doubt as to who is the real enemy of the American Union (Indicador Político 14/02/17) . How long will Donald Trump do something right for his people? The government of the United States is increasingly similar to that of Mexico. Perhaps the Mexicanization of North America is inevitable. The planned inefficiency (Samuel Schmidt) qualifies a government that disengages social pathologies and is more concerned with developing them.
The confrontation with Russia, China and Iran is unnecessary for the United States, precisely these Central States are now responsible for stability in their civilizing spaces. America is no longer, it can not be, the police of the world and continue the wear and tear in conflicts outside their identity limits. Military action in the Middle East is a way of procrastinating the internal tasks that correspond to the American government.
China, Russia and Iran can take actions similar to Donald Trump based on the arguments of the White House. How would Washington or the Pentagon react if one of these countries decided to bomb Mexico as a result of the power of political narcotics? Mexican mafias grow uncontrollably and increasingly involve more people. The Mexican government is not only incapable of controlling the situation and enforcing, at a minimum, the rule of law. The neoliberal technocratic class is, above all, an accomplice of evil. The migration, poverty, violence, systematic violation of human rights that stimulates DAESH is the same that in Latin America causes drug trafficking and government corruption.
The United States has to decide correctly on the role that, from the election of Donald Trump, must play in the international arena. US isolationism is an opportunity for multipolar globalization to take shape and Central States act consistently in maintaining stability within their immediate environment. The return of America to itself, to its origins, is also necessary for the world. Western evangelization has failed, and it becomes an emergency to slow down modernity so that every civilization can fulfill its task.
China, Russia and Iran have the same right to intervene in the spaces near North America with the arguments that Donald Trump has used. If the Pentagon seeks to place itself in a situation similar to the scene of the Missile Crisis in 1962, it must now multiply the USSR by three or perhaps raise it to the hub. Donald Trump can be the subject that regenerates the United States or the lunatic that causes the end of humanity.

Saturday, April 08, 2017

Quetzalcoatl its a Chinese Dragon

Quetzalcoatl its a Chinese Dragon


https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/04/08/Quetzalc%C3%B3atl-es-un-drag%C3%B3n-chino









































By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Nexos Magazine circulated a series of analyzes regarding the situation that deprives Mexico and the United States in the wake of the election victory of Donald Trump. They emphasize the ideas of Fernando Escalante Gonzalbo whose reflections on the Mexican social order are well known and have responded directly to Anglo-Saxon xenophobia; However, in contrast to the unprecedented relationship that now poses North America, there is no reason. Donald Trump and his supporters - who are not few and there are several Latinos there - have canceled the Western vocation that Mexico and Latin America could have developed. Then, too, it becomes necessary to ask the inevitable question Who are we?
The rejection of North America to Mexico forces to modify the model of country that is intended to build. It is necessary to look for the civilizational nucleus to which the deep nation belongs and, as can be seen, neither Spain nor North America are coherent models to boost our development processes.
In the case of Spain, we only share the sense of fragmentation and factionalism. The Spains are reflected in the different types of Catholicism that exist in Latin America and particularly in our country. Moves to tragicomedy that the intransigent integral Catholics pretend to imagine the unity of Latin America around the medieval bet of Catholicism that even in the Peninsula does not exist anymore. Elio Masferrer Kan has postulated a typology of Catholic pluralism best suited to the Mexican context based on demographic changes, encompassing regionalisms, ethnicities, historical speeds, and evangelical attitudes. The ideal types he exposes are: Traditional Catholics, Indigenous Catholics, Mestizo Catholics, Popular Catholics, Catholics of Liberation Theology, Catholics of the Bajio, Catholics of Prosperity Theology, Catholics of Charismatics, Catholics Influenced by the Second Vatican Council , Liberal Catholics from Veracruz, Catholics from the border and Catholics from non-American minorities. This taxonomy is inclusive and recognizes dynamic multicultural factors in the social trajectory of the country that enrich the interpretation of the Catholic Church-State conflict. This characterization of Mexican Catholicism is interesting not only to show how modernity and democracy have penetrated the Catholic world but also to classify forms of religiosity and beliefs that, even when assumed as Catholic, have similarities and antagonisms that guide their Behavior and allow predicting the search for meaning in social structures. (Masferrer, 2011: 23)
As far as North America is concerned, it is clear that the market and modernization do not lead to democracy by themselves. In fact, it can be said that North America has felt in its own right the experience and, therefore, they reject the Mexicans. Material modernization is not enough, mental and cultural modernity is necessary. As explained in the magazine, the elites only relied on emigration and international trade as a route to integration with the United States, which - alas - has gone worse. The market did not generate the breeding ground for Mexico to opt for westernization. From 1994 on, a schizophrenic attitude emerged that culminated in a Narcissistic Republic whose trade is the sicilianization of any social fabric it finds. Slowly North America realizes the seriousness of this neighborhood and the responsibility it has in it.
Against the anti-Mexicanism of Western culture, particularly Anglo-Saxon, it is necessary to reconsider in what geopolitical space our country can develop. If, as Huntington and Octavio Paz point out, the Indo-Hispanic core is so resilient in the country's political culture that it inhibits modernization, capitalism, formality and, consequently, liberal democracy. Will it not be necessary to look at experiences near The indigenous tradition our civilizing form? Carol Miller has tried to highlight the ancient ties between Asian civilization and pre-Columbian groups in Latin America. Do we have to look at Asia instead of Europe and the United States? Are there any more coincidences with China, the Philippines, Thailand, India, Pakistan, Vietnam, Korea, Singapore, etc. than with other societies?
In Asia, the contemplative, animistic, pantheistic and harmonious condition with time / space has generated a laudable balance between technology and nature, tradition and modernity, dynamism and reflection, agriculture and industry, etc. Without being exempt from authoritarian periods and totalitarian measures, the sacralization of nothingness generates a conformity at the base of the social order, which establishes a slowing down of social change. With all the celerity that the globalizing model has taken, the Asian giant does not despair. The parsimony has been their way of coexistence and the results have not been bad. Sometimes by magnitude, sometimes by stubbornness, or by the context, modernity does not generate as many conflicts as can be seen in our surroundings. Peter Berger and Samuel Huntington explain, with all the contradictions involved, the fact that there are different currencies on the Asian continent.
Modernity is not a blank check and in Mexico there has been a lack of awareness about it. The wall of Donald Trump may be the Chinese Wall which, finally, forces the country to take seriously a project of civilization. The death of the United States and the decline of Western civilization are so forceful that, several months ago, they had to push in Mexico to lay the first stone of a barrier that could save their sense of life.
Nicolas Berggruen and Nathan Gardels (2013) have found in Asian processes a peculiar form of intelligent governance for countries like Mexico. The authoritarian bureaucratism, Asian despotism or Mongolian Tartar command; May be references that political elites would have to seriously consider to work for a country that is crumbling. Mexican authoritarianism is a patrimonialism without meaning. However, technocrats maintain the dogma of neoliberal globalization; In reality, their Indo-Hispanic DNA turns them into Mirreyes and Caciques of Harvard University. The Military Technocratic Bureaucracy of Guillermo O'Donell has not worked well to develop the process of westernization and democracy. The political processes in the United States allow us to understand the need for Mexican political leaders to emerge in the style of nationalist Maoism who, before advocating socialist and communist policies, will take the necessary measures to build a nation. If America imposes the Wall but continues to support neoliberal technocratic elites, the flow of drugs, violence, and culture of poverty will increase exponentially to make the United States a simile of the China Opiate, an American Babylon. On the other hand, if North America allows nationalist leaders to triumph, modernization is likely to generate processes similar to the experience of the Asian Tigers and to build social virtues that will inhibit the harmful neighborhood that has hitherto grown between our countries.

Saturday, April 01, 2017

Devil in a blue dress. The force of evil in the Mexican political system


By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Poverty is constituted as the source of all evils, factionalism springs as one of the major pathologies. All peoples have gone through stages of severe economic crises, and only national unity, moderation in social inequality, civility and values, allow us to overcome problems.
The neoliberal economic model has been one of the productive schemes to which the generation of poverty is most correlational. The imposition of the catalaxia to the politics, have come to destroy the State and the civic virtues. Factionalism is constituted thanks to a phase of extreme imitation, its dynamics generate a complexity that, viewed from the sociological categories, hinders development, democracy and civilization. Hence the importance of the formation of the State and its institutions. In developing countries where poverty becomes structural, factionalism ends up covering the economic, political and social order.
Roderic Ai Camp expressed, during the exhaustion of the hegemonic party, that the problem of Mexico was a matter of power between camarillas. With all the enormous criticism that can be made to the elitological approach, his prosopographic studies allow us to understand the degree of institutionalization or failure that the government has. It is necessary to say, then, that with Carlos Salinas de Gortari not only the State of the Mexican Revolution went but also the institutional set that, more or less, had generated an order with respect to the political succession in Mexico. What has come next is a barbaric war between factions for power. To this bag must be introduced the rights and lefts that have been contaminated DNA that the Revolutionary Family had.
One of the most powerful factions that the Mexican political system has had is the Atlacomulco Group; The most fearsome mutation. In different sexennial periods their power was increased as well as their peculiar way of organizing things. The accumulation of economic and political capital, led them to face Salinism and seize the Official Party as well as - partly - the presidency of the republic during the government of Ernesto Zedillo. The Atlacomulco Group is responsible for the modernization failure that neoliberalism intended.

Suddenly, the figure of Carlos Salinas - Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to Samuel Huntington - lost legitimacy and the Zedillo current had to be reaffirmed by agreeing with some excluded and confronted politicians and groups. Zedillo accepted the support of the Atlacomulco Group, which at that time led the forces of the Institutional Revolutionary, facing Carlos Salinas to the limit. The Zedillo sexenio promoted even more the breaking of the revolutionary family and the compact group, making in the three blocks of power were seen interlaced Salinistas, Cordobistas, Hankistas, colosistas, etc., and using the factions according to the termidor of his six years . For example, using hankistas to subdue the Salinistas, but abandoning them at the beginning of the succession.
Ernesto Zedillo broke each and every one of the rules of the revolutionary pact: he abdicated his functions, the healthy distance of the party, the ferocious persecution of his predecessor, the evident partiality to his closed clique, false honesty preached to the four winds, the steps Zigzagging; All contributed to the collapse. Their weak bureaucratic supporters felt empowered to do the same. Zedillo's "moral influence" or, if one prefers, an understandable political concern, would have considered the perils of a PRI coming to the election of 2000. The open quarrels between the currents of the party and the Revolutionary Family, as well as the debatable ones Personal antecedents of corruption in the public function or of participation in criminal backgrounds of the candidates completely broke the stability of the Mexican political system. The fear of Ernesto Zedillo to avoid the arrival of the PRI was that the rupture of the old regime propitiated, among other things, that the factions, mafias and criminal organizations that were part of the so-called "Revolutionary Family" gained autonomy and multiplied their power. Beyond the political struggle between these factions, the evidence indicates that the Revolutionary Family was trying to turn Mexico into a narco-state, or into a "mafia state", because of the complicated fabric of organized crime and the apparatus of power.
The incapacity or complicity of the PAN during its presidential administrations allowed the strengthening of the Atlacomulco Group and the political recovery of the PRI in 2012. Right now, in the State of Mexico is articulated an alliance where the Mexican extreme right is willing to allow the Atlacomulco Home Continue being tricolor as well as ratify that a cousin of the Clan can accede to the candidacy blanquiazul for the presidency of the republic. The failure of National Action in the State of Mexico will undoubtedly benefit Rafael Moreno Valle.
The agreements between El Yunque and Grupo Atlacomulco reflect the future that awaits the country. The State of Mexico constitutes one of the entities with greater economic capacity even from the colonial time; However, it is inexplicable that the PRI dominion has been prolonged for so long as well as the terrible results in its social and economic indicators. Enrique Peña Nieto was one of the worst governors of his entity and the country. It is the model that suits his clique and has been replicated where other collaborators of his have been also governors.
It is not the first time that corruption serves as a cement between the ultra-right and the cacique groups of the country. Their disguise of moderate liberals, conservatives and technocrats only serves to hide their colonial thought where they imagine the operation of the country as if it were a Treasury. The Creole lordship remains the main representation of his political thinking.
The radicalism of this pack against social justice and egalitarianism is the real obstacle to the modernization of Mexico. When they colluded to assassinate Franciso I. Madero, his antipopulista speech gained the legitimization of the North American government; But, it provoked a stage of violence that the historical negacionistas are in charge of hiding.
The present Mexico does not have a few zapatistas and Villistas hordes as in the concluding years of the Porfiriato. Crime groups, as well as community and guerrilla defenses, have multiplied exponentially because of poverty. The country is a stage of the novels of Tom Clancy, whose imagination has acquired a validity given the success of video games that take their scripts.
Will El Yunque, Grupo Atlacomulco and Victoriano Huerta have the capacity to contain the Carranza, Villa and Zapata that are approaching in a context where they no longer have the support of the United States?

Wednesday, March 29, 2017

ODP PARA CIUDAD MODELO VIOLENTÓ A LOS MUNICIPIOS: POLITÓLOGO

http://www.poblanerias.com/2017/03/odp-para-ciudad-modelo-violento-a-los-municipios-politologo/


Friday, March 24, 2017

The Mexican Order. Colonial or Democratic governance? From Moderate Liberals to Mirreyes Narcissists

The Mexican Order.  Colonial or Democratic governance? From Moderate Liberals to Mirreyes Narcissists

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/03/24/El-orden-mexicano-%C2%BFgobernabilidad-colonial-o-democr%C3%A1tica-De-Liberales-Moderados-a-Mirreyes-Narcisistas

March 24, 2017
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although Manuel Camacho Solis was the intellectual of a neoliberal regime that has lasted for almost thirty years, it is important to point out some of the differences that he pondered regarding the Mexican political system and its exhaustion. Since the end of the 20th century, Camacho understood that the collapse in the political control of the regime was an element to be taken seriously due to contextual economic inefficiency and social change. For this reason, the group of technocrats and the implementation of a new economic model would allow the political elites to renew themselves and that the regime would acquire the necessary inputs to have effective electoral clienteles.
The trajectory of the compact group has been reviewed as a successful story. A silent revolution that modernized Mexico in an incomparable way. However, in the long-term perspective, this has been one of the constant dilemmas in the country's governmental design. In fact, the critical path of the group "Politics and Revolutionary Profession" has been tried on several occasions and has to do with the political exercise from the outside. The colonial political control in its maximum fullness.
Erika Pani and Silvestre Villegas have insisted on the political configuration of the moderate liberals, positivists, scientists, technocrats who have always tried to impose criteria of liberal rationality but invariably end up in draconian governments that generate abuse, corruption and impunity.
Consistently, there has been an elite in Mexico that has little national sentiment, and although they appear as reformers, they are always merchants who are betting on a conservative modernization that follows the dashes of the Western powers and the financial markets, still When it involves the sacrifice of a large part of society.
These government specialists constitute themselves as a technical aristocracy of power. They are capable as government advisors but do not have the awareness of the deep order that keeps the true things of the country. John Womack, Rhina Roux and Germán Pérez Fernández del Castillo point out that Mexican revolutions or revolts occur when injustice is generated and the sense of community is lost.
Even though moderate liberals are gradualists, their projects always end up being involved in a risky way with the colonizing projects of imperialist powers. Hence its despotic and remote form always culminates with the radicalization of the social movements that rebel against the modernization and its projects. Zapatismo is an expression of this resistant modernity that characterizes Mexico. This is the colonial governance managed from abroad that the country is facing from now on.
However, Manuel Camacho Solis was striving for a Change without Rupture, the fact is that our country needs more and more independent and democratic governance. Authors such as Francisco I. Madero, Andrés Molina Enríquez, Samuel Schmidtt, Germán Pérez Fernández del Castillo and Rhina Roux have detected the country's problems, but the most important thing is to regain independence, that is, to form governments that advocate nationalist projects without submission. Exterior. Globalization has become more complex, perhaps impossible to manage and it is necessary to start from home to build the elements that will protect us.
Now it is necessary a Change with Rupture, that is, the abandonment of a colonial governability and the design of a democratic, independent, nationalist governance. The historical rupture will allow the country to assert its identity, the civilization where it belongs and, in turn, will generate cohesion in the social order.
The PRI-PAN Salinist marriage - with the PRD's later amasiatus - formed this elite of moderate liberals who were always thought of in the service of the foreigner. This way of governing is due to revolutions. Its modernization always is expolio, abuse, injustice and servility to the foreigner.
The government of Donald Trump involves a risk to Mexico and, fortunately, the exhaustion of this perspective of colonial governance. Maybe we found ourselves as in 1808 and independence reached us by default to be better exploited.
The elite of the moderate liberals of the twentieth century, as Bonfil Batalla says, belonged to that Shallow Mexico that does not understand Mexico Profundo. This group has always thought of the need for external support to maintain an authorizing modernizing order.
The neoliberal group to which Camacho Solis designed a route of access to presidential political power, would later exclude him from succession and this led him to reconsider the scenarios of a political change that necessarily include Representative Democracy

Thursday, March 16, 2017

Audi Puebla: Model City of Neoextractivism



 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zRKJG-k3BgA

The constitutional dispute carried out by the municipalities of Mazalpiltepec and Soltepec in Puebla against the Decentralized Public Agency of the Audi City Model (Organismo Público Descentralizado de la Ciudad Modelo Audi), allows us to understand the low totalitarian sense which was designed and is going to continue to run this urbano-productivo scheme. The Government of Antonio Gali is not intended to change any of the structures he inherited from the previous administration and maintains the perspective of neoextractivism projects in the State. For the State Government economic modernization is a permanent objective; more than the development of a social policy. Public administration has invited foreign capital to take part in the development of the neoextractivism. The frustrated rural cities in Chiapas policies are adopted although with another name. Puebla adopts a series of centralizing policies that help the population scattered to concentrate in a single point where they are the most basic services in order to reduce the expenditure of the State Government: Integrators and Integral Service Centers (CIS Centros Integradores e Integrales de Servicios).  In addition to the Sierra Norte, are considered within policy neoextractivistas the other two regions that have greater presence of indigenous population: the North-Eastern Sierra and Black Sierra.  In the immediate future, Puebla is a space full of opencast mining, hydraulic fractures (fracking), cities model (Smart Cities), hydroelectric power, distributions of wind energy, null federalism and policies that benefit the private sector only . The cities are the first real enemy of nature and tradition. The way in which human groups seek to develop the amenities that allow them a better existence leads to the exhaustion of certain natural resources and, above all, the imposition of a human wills over others. Progress remains gaining its right to floor: the extinction of nature, tradition and human beings, continue and continue to share. Creation technologies, development and civilization, have led to phenomena such as population growth and the decline of the Earth's capacity to sustain the consumption of basic requirements. As soon as makes progress, the bigger the risk of damage such as floods, storms, increased precipitation, changes in climatic zones, famine, small ecosystems, extinction of various species, human displacement, migration, drought, diseases, among others, human society and the environment that face new risks and pressures. The destruction of the environment is one of the greatest threats to life, because it means stripping the land of forests, affect other ecosystems such as the soil, contaminate water and since this keeps us alive and helps to maintain the ecological equilibrium and biodiversity, which in many occasions they influence weather and climate variations , if there is no balance in nature, there is no man. 
Mexico has blossomed, with a modern dialectic, irreconcilable, according to John Womack. There have been human groups - communities-which is considered not to be subject to negotiation. This is the principle when they fight with all its strength to defend its environment. The history of modernization and large capital is inserted over the blood of indigenous and peasant communities. How will want to modernity and progress if, almost always, these words are synonymous with extermination and violence for them? The unconstitutionality of the Audi City Model obliges the Government of Puebla to make a reconsideration of productive urban design in this region, as well as neoextractivism policies and privatization of water that are imposed through violence to human rights and to the municipalities of the entity. Some of the suggestions that are prescribed are:
-more broadly to evaluate public policy, from its planning until the end of its implementation. 
-Front combat corruption of these projects
-take into account the worldview and anthropology of farmers and rural communities facing modernization processes
-include participatory budgeting technology 
- see transitional stages in the transition from the rural to the urban 
- consider forms of alternative development 
- observe structural historical conflicts in rural communities before the modernization of the same. Every project of public policy must take into account lifestyle having the same beneficiaries. If development implies a discomfort with globalization, then we will create the right relief policies (Guillermo Pérez Fernández del Castillo). The Decentralized Public Agency of the Audi City Model is an unconstitutional body which can see the lack of responsible governance and the totalitarian practice of the mega-project by AUDI and the panista Government of Puebla. Rafael Moreno Valle proposes destroying federalism municipal of Mexico. For a long time has been concealed information from the company and authorities; but, with the creation of this decentralized autonomous body, it can be said that the city model will be the first private city in Latin American. Individual guarantees of the inhabitants, the rights of society are violated and it is privatizing a part of our country for decades. It is an undemocratic body that passes over the dignity of persons. The role of the Local Congress put aside all responsibility to our country and gave way to economic interests. These are times that Mexico needs their political representatives to loyalty and nationalism. Local members of Puebla are not to rise to the historic occasion. With his endorsement, they reveal ignorance of social reality, their insensitivity and servility. 
The municipality is the cell of Mexican federalism, is a school of civics and democracy. The creation of such agencies condemn to failure the municipal government. It is true that our country has municipalities of various types and cultures; However, not destroy them, and fade them for the sake of a so-called economic growth that, as evidenced by these recent times, are only modernizing fallacies. The morenovallista Government was confronted with federalism, attacked the municipalities and was authoritarian with the representative institutions of local government. Puebla is a model of Feuderalismo. Destroyed the State Center of municipal development, the development of the municipality and even consultants attending councils. Training, assistance and support of the municipality, are permanent absence of the State governments who only socialized corruption. The constitutional controversy is the first urgent step, the citizens and their authorities should insist on the supervision of the Justice of all the project of the Audi City Model. Social movements that have defeated the neoextractivismo, even in Puebla, in our country can serve example to the legal route to decrease abuse of the German company to our State. Citizens in Puebla and their municipalities should be alert to intervene and participate in the local government. Governance implies co-responsibility of the authorities and the citizens, consider that the market can solve everything is even more dangerous than the anarchist fundamentalism minded. Not correct the edges of the city model Audi are would be giving way to the total privatization of the Puebla dynamics. The mayors who are beginning to question the performance of the Local Congress and State Government are right to stimulate the municipality and the law. It is necessary to save the local life before it's too late.

Wednesday, March 01, 2017

Donald Trump's Useless Policy on the Mexican Question

Donald Trump's Useless Policy on the Mexican Question
By Diego Velazquez

Russell Kirk, the singular representative of conservative thought in North America, employed some ideas of Jose Ortega y Gasset to evidence the continued decline in the United States. In his apocalyptic scheme he pointed to issues such as multiculturalism, technocracy, consumer society, drug addiction, rudeness, mass media and politics. All these conditions inhibited the value of tradition, history, and morality in American post-industrial society.
Donald Trump's message to the Legislative Branch of his country confirms Russell Kirk's scenario. The US president will not be able to perform any of the actions he promised because he lacks willpower, intelligence and morale. As in the case of Mexican President Vicente Fox, that of Trump, it will be a government of words, threats, inconsistencies and contradictions. The first national government of alternation in Mexico succumbed to the frivolity of power. Carlos Fuentes explains in "La silla del Águila" how the project of a perfect Christian society was transformed. It seems that Donald Trump will soon follow the same course as his friend Vicente Fox.
The "Hispanic Challenge" that Samuel Huntington posed as an aggression against the Anglo-Saxon civilizations order actually means the problem of drug trafficking into the United States. At this point, the US government seems powerless to address the situation. Drug trafficking triggers problems such as informality, no institutionalization, power gaps, exploitation, violent elites, and the full range of health pathologies that are uncontrollably advancing in the American union.

The American president was right when he mentioned that the members of the Mexican political class were scoundrels. They have done it again. The United States is in a process of Mexicanization and Donald Trump has decided to stop when he understands the magnitude of the problem that, after administration, has allowed to grow.

Russell Kirk, as well as Niall Ferguson, exposes that North America, in comparison with Great Britain, is incapable of overcoming a civilization crisis. The fickle role of the Donald Trump administration has generated quite a few ups and downs in the government project that had originally been raised. The breakdown of the dominant group, the lack of communication between different levels of public administration, the empowerment of adverse foreign governments, the ambiguity of actions and the lack of military support have shown the solitude of the American president.
Globalization will continue its path with the runaway force that distinguishes it until now. Mexican technocrats, financiers and drug traffickers can begin to calm down, Donald Trump fails to carry out the projects he promised. The speeches and tweets will continue to be bizarre to evidence the bad manners, arrogance and xenophobia; nothing else. WASP social support will be a constant throughout the US administration; However, financial-military institutions and elites are not willing to give a rudder to correct the historical course of the United States and Western civilization.
Jose Ortega y Gasset, as well as the critical theory frankfurtiana, exposed the massification danger of the consumer society. The United States is the best example of this and therein lies the true risk to Western civilization. Probably the hegemonic leadership of the world corresponds to the countries that decided to modernize but not westernized. The risk to humanity lies in the tyranny that economic materialism demands.