Caciques or Neoliberals? The tragedy of Mexico

Caciques or Neoliberals? The tragedy of Mexico

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

The persecution that neoliberals experience today is similar to the deception that, for much of the 20th century, Mexican society contemplated during the anti-communist campaigns. It is true that significant violence was unleashed against the communists; what has not happened with the neoliberals. In the end, both acts are entelechies that are justified to legitimize a regime that tends to increase authoritarianism.

Mexico never ran the risk of becoming a communist country, nor has it been - and will not be - a neoliberal country. And the reasons are the same.

Joaquín Costa, a regenerationist, interpreted the chiefdom in Spain as an Asian remora that had been imported from the New World and, as a pandemic coronavirus, generated severe conflicts between the institutions of the Old and New Regimes. Caciquismo finds itself in the middle of many worlds and adapts to the political institutions of modernity.

The cacique is a form of authority that the European world found in the American world and, in the case of the Spanish empire, it was imported as an element that would promote counter-reformist anti-modernity. The purpose was achieved, but the chiefdom stopped time forever in Latin America. Even the Asian world has achieved a successful modernization combining totalitarianism, technology, industrialization, religious syncretism, capitalism and communism. In all the routes they have done well, for the Latin American case something like this cannot be affirmed, even in Spain itself

The pain that Joaquín Costa exhibits with Spain is that, thanks to the caciquismo, it is understood that the King does not have greater representation. Spain, like Latin America, is a Comala where the chief appeases everything, takes everything, commands everything and destroys everything.

The chiefdom is the most challenging riddle for Western modernity. It is not terrorist like the Arab leadership, nor is it tribal like the African rule. It is the Hispanic Catholic malinchismo that has Latin America in the strangest of the Middle Ages: the Catholic colonialist.

Joaquín Costa tries to explain the way in which the indigenous chiefdom perverted Spain. He manages to make a description of each of the elements, but he forgets that the cacique was a form of leadership invented by the Catholic Church. The chiefdom ceased to be solely indigenous and spread to all castes, social classes, genders and contexts of the Ibero-American world.

In Asia, the primitive leadership did not detach from its civilizing identity and this has allowed them to evade and take advantage of modernity in the best way. In Ibero-America, attachment to the Catholic Church destroyed civilizing and national identities, invertebrate nations, and suspended modernity. Asia, with all its chiefdoms, has a more successful modernity than Latin America.

The problem with caciquil rule is that the homeland, the nation, vanishes. They cannot emerge. Following Costa, the caciques have various benefits from the country's political networks, a society is produced kidnapped by families and lineages of caciques. Empires like the United States and the Catholic Church promote and defend them. There is no explanation for so much power, for so much political control, but it is a reality that cannot be hidden. The inheritance of the chiefdom is pure rancor, pain, shame and corruption.

Destroying neoliberalism is one of the idle exercises of Q4. In Mexico, as in Latin America, the true transformation will occur when the chiefdoms end and the institutions can be consolidated.

Morena faces the Ibero-American decadence that broke out in Spain in the Civil War of 1936. Chasing corruption is not chasing neoliberals. Neoliberalism ended when Ernesto Zedillo was kidnapped by the Atlacomulco Group, which has led the socio-political processes ever since. Why isn't AMLO going after the Atlacomulco Group? What is the use of displacing designated neoliberal factions to replace them with others that have also been neoliberals, and only a capacity for rapture towards the president distinguishes them? When Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas expropriated farms, he gave them to the people; he did not give them to other landowners. What is observed in Mexico is a replacement of caciques rather than a change of regime. This has been happening since 2000 when it was discovered that we are governed by PRIs of all political parties.

Neoliberalism is a category that is not even properly understood in Mexico. It is becoming a social persecution that will soon drown the ruling party and the president.

AMLO and the Black Circle

AMLO and the Black Circle

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Pablo González Casanova stated that populism constituted a double-edged weapon of protection for Mexico. On the one hand, it is a force that feeds the acritical attitude of most of the social movements and caciquile regions of the country to the point of almost bursting the fragile order. On the other hand, populism also constitutes an auxiliary factor for the armed forces in national defense against a probable foreign invasion, particularly from the United States.

The militarization of the country confirms that the National Army, a product of the Mexican Revolution, is the true force of governance in Mexico. The complaints about the facade that democracy guards in our presidentialism represent the modernizing liberal frustration that Western evangelical scholars have to experience as a permanent martyrology. Antonio Machado, Denisse Dresser, Jorge Portilla and Juan Linz confirm what Huntington establishes, Latin America is light years away from being Western. With few events in Latin America, it is immediately verified that presidentialism does not work outside the United States, well, almost in no country. Mexican authoritarian presidentialism will never be like US presidentialism. This does not imply a lack of attention in the operation, handling and security of the system. Outside the United States, presidentialism almost always ends in coups.

Mexico sheltered itself from the Latin American presidential dynamics thanks to an Official Party - understood by the concept of military corporatist capacity - that coerced the different political forces to solve the problem of presidential succession and public administration. It was not easy, the Army of the Mexican Revolution faced the imperialism of the Catholic Church and the United States. It did not win, but it did obtain a Pareto balance that provided meager national stability.

In a fictionalized way, Velasco Piña exposes the Mexicanism of the armed forces that develops into a populist and confused revolutionary nationalism, but with an authoritarian clarity that was executed many times to obtain the PRI pax.

The imperial presidency wants to return, although the Official Party no longer exists. Will the Black Circle be able to contain and coerce the PRI cliques that are dispersed in different political parties? Will the Black Circle be able to institutionalize, once again, an Official Party?

That militarism is an inevitable variable in the governance of extra-western countries is an axiom of political science. What militarism is talked about in Mexico regarding the Black Circle? During the PRIATO, the armed forces constituted a defensive bloc against imperialism that obtained a moderate colonialism. There are many coincidences between the Spanish Francoism and the revolutionary nationalism, but also great differences. With its flats, the colonialist pact of the Mexican Army gained greater independence than many cases in the Iberosphere.

The alternation elections caused a decrease in military power. President Felipe Calderón promoted a militarization of the country that ran aground in US geopolitics. Militarization during neoliberalism made Mexico like Colombia. In both cases, the war on drug trafficking has been lost, to the benefit of North America. Both countries are militarized, the Colombian army is more like a US occupation force; what should not happen in Mexico.

Revolutionary nationalism, the strange doctrine that justified the Army of the Mexican Revolution as the backbone of PRIATO, failed to consolidate after World War II. Over time, the centrality of the armed forces, caciquil corporatist populism, and the pragmatism of the ruling class, deteriorated Mexican nationalism, which with the political transition gave up even more. If Mexico is to be an authoritarian democracy, a justification for revolutionary nationalism is indispensable, so that the black circle preserves the legitimacy of organized violence.

AMLO confirms that the center of the Mexican political system is the Army, although it is also important to reflect under what circumstances. The positioning of the Army is done with the tutelage of the United States, it no longer seems the domain of an independent army.

Still, the United States is in total global decline. Mexico is in a position similar to that of the early nineteenth century when the Spanish empire imploded, orphanhood offered the possibility of autonomy and freedom, but the opportunity was wasted for lack of responsibility and cohesion, for lack of a national objective.

Perhaps it is true that the strengthening of the Mexican army is a necessity, the prince must take care of his weapons before his clothing. However, that the strengthening of the armed forces implies the strengthening of the people and not the occupation of the United States informally as occurs in Colombia.

Puebla. Perpetual political violence

 Puebla. Perpetual political violence

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

What happened in Tecamachalco cannot be evaded as a sign of the radical competition and frontal struggle for power that the entity is experiencing. Times are filled with violence every time a government succession looms and, unfortunately, rudeness is transmitted to society, which is also shattered. Puebla is, each government period, more montuna, peasant, caciquil, poor.

The deceased analyst, Dr. Raymundo García, stated that the conflicts for control of Puebla were led by two types of PRI members: those who were entrusted to the Federal District and those who protected local interests. Ceteris Paribus, the criterion continues to adjust to reality. At the same time, the solution also takes effect: Order! Even if it comes from the center; it is exposed in another work of central importance to understand local politics.

How much disorder are poblanos capable of supporting? Much. Like all Mexicans. So long, until the victims are members of the political class. The disorder does not support the caciques.

The force that the political cliques use to resolve their differences results in the fall of socioeconomic indicators, in the incompetence of public policies, deinstitutionalization and the charismatic horror of the actors who represent the authority.

As a result of morenovallismo, violence in the entity has increased exponentially. But who can say that he was not morenovallista? If the violence were the product of the death throes of Morenovallismo, the state of things would be understood; However, what represents the level of terror that things reach, is a political struggle and factional struggle where Moreno-Valles is no longer the protagonist. They are the historical leaderships that are presumed indispensable, but that have led Puebla down the path of impoverishment. The State continues to lose everything in front of Tlaxcala and Veracruz, the sentence of "die intelligence" remains the core.

As in any struggle, the animosity of the protagonists makes them lose sight of the urgent need to rebuild democratic governance. Political institutions have not been transformed in Puebla, which implies that scenarios such as Zacatecas, Guerrero, Tamaulipas or Sinaloa, will soon become our paradigm.

The Conservative Pact

The Conservative Pact

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

It is not the first time that a president of Mexico tries to imitate the government period of Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas del Río. The initial event occurred with Luis Echeverría Álvarez -LITEMPO, a CIA agent- who had the Yankee task of replacing the leftist leaderships in Latin America. Echeverrismo built one of the most important political networks in the Mexican political system, but it is nothing like Cardenismo. Now, López Obrador tries to carry out a scheme similar to that of Cardenista revolutionary nationalism and he is wrong, as much or more, than LEA. The ruler faithful to the Cardenista style of governing, paradoxically, has been Carlos Salinas de Gortari, only with adverse results to the Michoacan revolutionary: Cardenismo is one of the symbolic branches of the Revolutionary Family, Salinism was expelled from the technocratic domain and the PRI cliques.

However, salinismo and cardenismo were equivalent in deactivating the risk pivots for the Mexican political system and restructuring the lines of governance, at least during their six-year period. Both constitute formal attempts at modernization in contemporary history.

The president's criticism of the middle classes and the universities shows that, as a LEA, he is a pillar of salt looking to the past. The only thing that cannot be stopped is time, but the president - along with the usual dinosaurs - is determined to maintain the medieval colonized society that is afraid to look into the eyes of the future.

The millions of Mexicans who voted for his option, considered that the fight against corruption and rebuilding the Mexican State were MORENA's main tasks. Neither one nor the other. The purpose is to rebuild the modus vivendi and solve conservatism everywhere. The Mexican State has to respond to the challenges of a globalized, digital, robotic and spatial world, which is just around the corner. Will it also be necessary to bury as it was done with the pyramids? Mexicans will be able to face globalization when the cancer of corruption is over.

Why are the universities and the middle classes enemies in the president's rhetoric? Why is Carlos Salinas de Gortari the arch-enemy of Mexican populism? Claudio Lomnitz constructs an interesting hypothesis regarding the non-Jewish anti-Semitism that revolutionary nationalism contains. Populists and conservatives of the Porfirian era, rejected - perhaps with justified reason - the role played by the scientists and technocrats of the incipient positivist dictatorship. The scientist (university, intellectual, academic, Piarist) was described as a Jew - an archetype of the fascist insane myth - by the protagonists of the Mexican historical dialectic and, as no one wanted to modernize, a revolution was made. North America was also interested in the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution, according to research by Friederich Katz.

The university was constituted as the sounding board of reason and science. In less than 500 years, the West achieved hegemony thanks to the liberalization that developed in higher education centers. The tandem of the Enlightenment and modernity was structured in the universities that allowed the passage of the medieval order to modern societies.

Reason became autarkic, poetic, systemic and referential thanks to the instruction, mastery of technique, freedom and dialogue that European universities built as a route to modernization.

This is the reason why the Catholic Church, the monarchs and the State (sometimes understood as the Army), try to control it and do it in their own way.

University thought can upset the world, find that extreme relativism that leads to nihilistic agnosticism and also provoke cultural revolutions that change the hegemony of values.

The institutions of the old regime observe in the University Pandora's Box, the Socratic school that can pervert the generations and break the social order. This is what happened with the hegemonic loss of the Catholic Church in Europe.

The criticism pointed out to the UNAM by the President of the Republic obeys this tenor. Mexican society despises its youth and university students. Left and right will never be satisfied with the university, they are incapable of responding to the role and critical nature of the institution.

Carlos Salinas de Gortari was a neoliberal technocratic university student who took seriously the economic liberalism that the PAN only proclaimed, but also understood the necessary economic modernization that legal liberalism required, he called it social liberalism. Salinas is considered the Plutarco Elías Calles of the 21st century, although he was called to be the Mustafa Kemal Ataturk of Mexicanness, the silent revolution of the technocrats was the change of the young Turks to rebuild a civilization.

The objectives of the Mexican revolution were lost as political civilism, modus vivendi and corporatism advanced. The political degeneration of Mexico could be stopped during Salinas, but the cost implied integration into North America and the national group was not willing to take the next step. What followed was a neoliberal comedy that disguised the distorting and degenerative inertias of Mexican political culture to radiate a corruption and social decomposition that has led to the Failed State.

Cárdenas and Salinas managed to correct the degenerative trajectories of the Mexican political system by restructuring the political class and the military sector of their cliques for just one six-year term. Salinas and Cárdenas invited the conservatives of the time to the modernizing pact, both - like Colosio - were betrayed. The Caciques-Holy See-United States nomenklatura was imposed to continue colonizing Mexico. Lázaro Cárdenas and Carlos Salinas de Gortari had different preparation, but they had in common the youth in power and the strong will to modernize the country. Nothing to do with the 4T.

Manuel Gómez Morin was a modernizer who gave up the opportunity to be a Cardenista because of the false consciousness of belonging to different social groups. General Cárdenas wasted no time analyzing whether Catholics will one day be modern. The Cardenistas made their institution of higher education, the noble National Polytechnic Institute, which has done so much good for Mexico. Only time will see if the 4Q university school proposals have similar results. To the Normals and Teachers of Cardenismo, the country owes the incalculable.

Gómez Morín and Cosío Villegas kept the ideas as weapons to influence the medieval university cloisters and generate a current like the one represented by Carlos Salinas de Gortari fifty years after the Cardenismo. In the end, Gómez Morín and Cárdenas had more coincidences. Hopefully the Gomezmorinian cry "Mexico exists" will be heard by Hispanists who continue to see the country as a bastard (Carlos Sola Ayape) and who think of the university as an Opus Dei community of a different "social group".

Luis Paredes Moctezuma, an organized Catholic nationalist, pointed out that the best ally of uncompromising integralism was AMLO. Indeed, the criticisms of the middle class and the universities are an example of a Mexican revolutionary conservatism like the one that Claudio Lomnitz points out. Francoists, freemasons and caciques are happy with the governments of the 4T. Doesn't Mexico have the right to modernity? The Francoists, Freemasons and Caciques, do not love Mexico; they are foreign and matriarchal; But the development of the national state and its historical consolidation is a task that takes more time than the democratic transition. Are there democracies without territory, law and population? The relationship between the state and democracy is not the chicken-and-egg dilemma.

Caciques in Puebla, with permission to operate

Caciques in Puebla, with permission to operate: The Coyomeapan conflict, an example

The results of the elections show that the chiefdom system in Puebla, formed from Avilacamachismo, is still in force and gives scope for authoritarian governments to develop

By El Ciudadano Mexico

By Gabriela Hernández / El Ciudadano Newsroom

Puebla, Puebla, Since the early hours of October 15, more than 5,000 residents of the 44 indigenous communities of Coyomeapan gathered in the municipal seat to block road accesses and prevent Mayor Rodolfo García López, elected by the Labor Party (PT), take a protest in that town.

The elected mayor, husband of the PT federal deputy Araceli Celestino Rosas, had to take office at the Centro Integral de Servicios (CIS) of Ajalpan, some 55 kilometers away from the community that is supposed to have elected him.

At a rally, which they held after marching through the streets of that town, the residents warned that they do not mind being imprisoned and, even giving their lives, for this fight against the chiefdom that the Celestino Rosas family has imposed on those lands for more 11 years old.

The federal deputy for Morena, Inés Parra Juárez, says that what is happening in Coyomeapan is the -historic demonstration in Puebla- of an organized people that resists being governed by a political group that has abused power and enriched itself at the expense of the poverty of the settlers.

However, the Celestino was not the only caciquil group that won the June 6 elections in Puebla. Some of them will govern for three more years, after being nominated by Morena, the party that promised to fight the vices of the "old regime."

What about the regional chiefdoms?

Gerardo Domínguez, Morena's state councilor, points out that, in this entity, regional chiefdoms that previously fought President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, now show themselves as the representatives of the Fourth Transformation.

Coyomeapan, he explains, is emblematic, since four residents who are workers are now in prison for protesting against the Celestino, while that caciquil group, which in the past was an opposition, today assumes itself as an ally of the President.

And although in Article 3, section f, of the Morena statute, it is warned that this party will fight "the perpetuation in office", in the municipalities of Tlatlauquitepec and Teziutlán, Porfirio Loeza Aguilar and Carlos Enrique Peredo Grau, respectively, took a protest as mayors for the fourth time after having been candidates for the cherry party.

Another case is that of Eloxochitlán

The same occurs in Eloxochitlán, the poorest municipality in Puebla, where the brothers Delfino and Honor Hernández Hernández have taken turns as municipal presidency since 2014 and began a third term with the support of the PT, a political ally of lopezobradorism.

Domínguez affirms that this derived from the distribution of candidacies where the party bases were displaced by external profiles that turned out to be the worst the PRI and the PAN. In addition, he assures, because the interest of Governor Miguel Barbosa Huerta prevailed in strengthening the chiefdom system of the entity to control the regions.

A current system in Puebla

Political scientist Daniel Velázquez Caballero, author of the book Political Transfuguismo en Mixteca Poblana, agrees that the results of the elections show that the chiefdom system in Puebla, formed from Avilacamachismo, is still in force.

“They are volatile alliances, very pragmatic, economic”, explains the academic, “but they give scope for authoritarian governments to develop at the local level on many occasions and in recent years dedicated to crimes such as theft of gasoline, human trafficking and even drug trafficking "

Daniel Velázquez Caballero

Political scientist

Governor Rafael Moreno Valle, the political scientist exposes, attempted during his tenure a “neo-avilacamachismo” with a poly-party alliance.

«That structure was used and submitted to motivate his career towards the presidency of the Republic, when the tragedy happens, which ends with his life and that of his partner, the governor Martha Erika Alonso, that structure remains there and now we see that adapts ”

Daniel Velázquez Caballero

Political scientist

Extract from the report published in the most recent issue of Proceso

elciudadano.com

PAN-Vox, a strategy, not a mistake: Intermarium Model in Mexico 2024

PAN-Vox, a strategy, not a mistake: Intermarium Model in Mexico 2024

September 15, 2021

Carlos Ramirez

After the right-wing failure of the PAN in the presidency in the lukewarm conservative six-year terms of Vicente Fox Quesada and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, the PAN is weaving a front with Coparmex, the anti-state businessmen of Claudio X. González and their functional citizen organizations and now with the far-right Spanish party Vox for 2024. In this context, the Vox visit organized by the far-right wing of the PAN was a strategic movement of the radical PAN bloc with messages to the rest of the PAN and especially to the neoliberal salinista-PAN PRI and the neoliberalized PRD in frank dialogue –according to the book by Jesús Ortega Martínez– with liberalism. In this political game, the strategic movements of President López Obrador should also be read: the Mexican embassy in Spain from Vox to the PRI governor Quirino Ordaz Coppel and some federal position to the Nayaritian PAN governor Armendariz, who arrived as a candidate of the PAN, PRD, PT and a local socialist party. Spain's diplomatic decision plays out on many fields: the PRI has always been the party idealized by the non-Marxist Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and an ally of the United We Can Party, both with a marked progressive populist tendency. Although it should not be read as an automatic movement, the fact that Vox has landed in the Mexican PAN as the ideological axis for the opposition-business-rightist alliance of 2024 is part of the context. The Spanish government would deal with a PRI ambassador - if the PRI endorses it and Madrid gives its approval a posteriori — as a representative of the uncomfortable government of López Obrador. The extreme right of the PAN with Vox comes from a historical strategic line known as Intermarium, an international anti-communist project (https://indicadorpolitico.com.mx/?p=10332) linked to the right of the Catholic Church and born in post-communist Poland to eradicate the Soviet remnants. The PAN (https://indicadorpolitico.com.mx/?p=1248) was born with the support and influence of Plutarco Elías Calles, already crushed by President Lázaro Cárdenas and his project of utopian socialism of a monopoly state. After the assault on the PAN by the northern business groups of José Angel Conchello (1972-1975, against Echeverría), Manuel J. Clouthier (1982-1988, against the expropriation of the bank) and Luis H. Alvarez (1987-1993, with the alliance with the anti-state Salinista neoliberalism), the right wing of the PAN was disappointed with the PAN's PRI of Fox and Calderón and the PAN as the revolving door for the return of the PRI to the presidency in 2012. Today the PAN appears as the articulating body of the right-wing groups that have swarmed in the PRI political regime of revolutionary nationalism: the Yunque, the WALL of Diego Fernández de Cevallos, the Tecos de Guadalajara, the Mexican Catholic Association of the church in the sixties as a pivot against the effect in Mexico of the Cuban Revolution (the novel Redil de Ovejas by Vicente Leñero portrays that time), the Association of Parents today in the PRI-PAN-PRD-Coparmex Alliance, the remnants of the nonexistent Democratic Party Me Xican as a synarchist refuge, the old Nazi formations asleep in the folds of the PAN and the American foundations financing the Mexican right. The conservative Catholic Church made an attempt to articulate the alliance with the PAN in 1984 with PAN businessmen and the pivot of the Reaganian ambassador John Gavin, but the religious reform of Salinas in its neoliberal market model deactivated the right-wing figures in Puebla. , DF and Guadalajara and the ecumenism of the Salinas Ernesto Corripio Ahumada deflated the ideological struggle, even without attacking the use of condoms and now only lukewarmly fighting against the decriminalization of abortion. In this context, the presence of Vox in the PAN was not a political error or a bad decision by some fifth-level PAN player. In fact, he has already defined the PAN's strategic line for 2024 and the Salinas PRI and the neoliberalized PRD will have no other way than to accept it because it is part of the polarizing approach of President López Obrador.

Politics for dummies: Politics is measured by denials.

Convocatoria para Secretaría de Marina

Convocatoria para Secretaría de Marina

Pertenecer a ésta institución es uno de los honores más grandes que puede ganar un ciudadano mexicano, y es que, la Secretaría de Marina es una de las instituciones de Estado que conforman el gabinete legal del Presidente de la nación Mexicana.

En este sentido, el trabajo de la Secretaría de Marina mexicana, consiste en llevar a cabo la ejecución de las políticas públicas de la Fuerza Armada Mexicana, siendo uno de los entes más importantes de la administración presidencial, en cuanto a mantener el orden y la perfecta organización de la fuerza protectora del país.

En pocas palabras, la Secretaría de Marina o Secretaría de Estado Mexicana, es aquella institución que controla todo el proceder y la formación del personal naval, siendo una de las instituciones con mayor importancia en el país, a través de la cual se genera todo el proceso de organización, ordenamiento y proceder de la Fuerza Armada.

Pertenecer a ésta institución no es cualquier cosa, estamos hablando de trabajar de la mano con la presidencia, es tomar el control de todo un país para hacer que las cosas funcionen de la mejor manera posible.

La oportunidad está en tus manos

Tienes la oportunidad de formar parte de una de las instituciones más importantes de México, un lugar donde cada ciudadano adquiere conocimiento, liderazgo, firmeza, disciplina, y además de eso, excelentes beneficios y estabilidad económica.

El registro es sumamente fácil, lo cual te da la oportunidad de forma sencilla y segura de optar por quedar dentro de la selección de nuevos empleados y comenzar un nuevo estilo de vida con un nuevo trabajo.

Es una oportunidad que el gobierno mexicano ha otorgado a la ciudadanía para seguir formando personas de bien, con buenas oportunidades de empleo, y con la intensión de que el país siga en el camino hacia su pleno desarrollo.    

Forma parte de una excelente institución

En México, trabajar en las instituciones de protección y administración que trabajan de la mano con la presidencia es una oportunidad de oro, pues significa estar sujeto al hecho de formar parte de un equipo de trabajo que se organiza para mantener el control de todo un país, en el sentido de conducir a la ciudadanía hacia el progreso y la estabilidad.

En función de esto, pertenecer a la Secretaría de Marina es una de las oportunidades más importantes que un ciudadano mexicano pueda tener, aún más si su sueño siempre ha sido el de pertenecer a la fuerza armada o al gabinete ministerial de la presidencia del Estado.     

En este sentido, hemos de destacar todas las opciones que existen y que corresponden al desempeño de este tipo de trabajo, teniendo claros los parámetros solicitados para optar por uno de los cargos dentro de la secretaría, así como los beneficios, y por supuesto la documentación a presentar en el momento del registro.   

Requerimientos para la postulación laboral en la Secretaría de Marina

·         De nacionalidad mexicana.

·         Estatura mínima para hombre 1.63m y para mujer 1.55m.

·         Índice de masa corporal de 18.5 a 24.9.

·         Pasar las pruebas del examen médico, clínico y perfil psicométrico.

·         Poseer cognición del servicio para el cual desea enlistarse.

·         Tener silueta profesional de acuerdo a los lineamientos vigentes para desarrollar las actividades navales.

·         No ser prófugo de las Fuerzas Armadas o tener indicios de haber formado parte de alguna otra Fuerza Armada, Institución de Procuración de Justicia, Seguridad Pública Federal, Gubernamental, Estatal y/o Municipal.

·         No contar con antecedentes penales.

Se puede observar que los requisitos son los comunes en cuanto a la selección de personal en este tipo de trabajo, tomando en cuenta que deben ser ciudadanos con ciertas características y con un historial de conducta completamente limpio.

Papeleo necesario para el registro

·         Hoja de vida profesional.

·         Carta de nacimiento.

·         Registro del Servicio Militar Nacional o constancia legal del proceso de liberación (exigido para personal masculino).

·         Identificación de elector o justificante de trámite de restitución.

·         Recibo de domicilio.      

·         Escritura de antecedentes de no haber actuado bajo mala conducta en la localidad y entidad federativa (excepto área metropolitana).

·         Dos fotografías a color tamaño pequeño que sean completamente vigentes.

·         Fotografías a viva imagen de perfil entero que sean vigentes.

Beneficios

·         Atención de salud completa.

·         Plan de guardado de ganancias financieras.

·         Ayudas económicas.

·         Protección de vida militar.

·         Ayuda económica para hipoteca.

·         Garantía en servicios.

·         Hospedaje garantizado.

·         20 días de libertad plena.

Estos son los beneficios que se otorgan de manera legal de acuerdo a las prestaciones de ley, lo que indica, que además de estos, los ciudadanos pertenecientes a esta institución gozarán de muchos más beneficios y comodidades que irán adquiriendo a lo largo del camino y con la experiencia obtenida.  

Ahora bien, es importante tomar en cuenta que para el registro, la documentación debe encontrarse en perfecto estado, sin ningún tipo de tachadura, y todo debe estar completamente legalizado, es decir, aceptado y corroborado por los entes asignados.   

Otro dato importante, es que para aquellas personas que no cuenten con estudios superiores, es decir, que no sean ni técnicos ni universitarios, también existe la posibilidad de ingreso, ésta condición no les limita en nada, solo deben aprobar las evaluaciones asignadas de exámenes teóricos y prácticos y listo, cuentan con la posibilidad de formar parte de la Secretaría de Marina. 

Esta es una oportunidad que puede cambiarte la vida

Quienes forman parte de esta institución han corroborado que la labor que se desempeña dentro de la misma es realmente gratificante, a muchas personas el formar parte de este equipo de trabajo les ha cambiado la vida, lo que indica que es una oportunidad única.

En este sentido, aprovechar la convocatoria que se ha llevado a cabo es una de las maneras en las cuales los ciudadanos mexicanos pueden cambiar su estilo de vida para mejor, tomando en cuenta que para este tipo de trabajo se requieren personas responsables, disciplinadas y enfocadas.

El bienestar y la administración del país depende del trabajo en conjunto de todas éstas instituciones, por lo que, nos encontramos buscando personal de apoyo que esté listo para contribuir al desarrollo de la nación.