The Mexican Episcopate and its defense of the INE-Habsburg

 The Mexican Episcopate and its defense of the INE-Habsburg

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Democracy via competitive elections in Mexico, the long voted transition, died because it did not produce any improvement for the country, specifically of not influencing or certifying the development of the quality of democracy. After 2006, what has become evident is that the electoral arena is part of the bureaucratic patrimonialism that does not want to change and that, in the face of the crisis in the post-covid world, does not understand the need to rebuild the national state. The INE/IFE strengthened discretion, concerted concessions, caciquil feuderalism and corruption. The electoral route was only enough for the delegative democracies that produce so much ungovernability in Latin America, the electoral advisers -especially after Woldenberg- never worried about developing the bases of liberal capitalist democracy in society and, above all, in the rulers. The INE/IFE represents the democratic failure in Mexico.

In order to analyze the intervention of the CEM in what transcends the INE, it is important to observe the way in which PLAN B affects the interests of the prelates and clerical bureaucracy. What affects the country's important religious leaders is that the electoral reform harms the golden bureaucracies -including that of the INE- and takes away the space of influence for the organizations and intellectuals of the Mexican right. The intransigent catholicity tries to maintain its territories of influence, those that allow it to lobby and manage the evolution of the country. Some of the INE advisers maintain important links with the geopolitical purposes of the Holy See, but also with the economic classes that benefited from the neoliberal model. Lorenzo Córdova represents what Latin American sociologists call the “Habsburg Model”, that is, the feudal, patrimonial, caciquil order, based on the Iberian caste system and, above all, on the exploitation of an impoverished mass sustained by hunger. millennial. And don't you understand the reasons why populism has a Latin American patent? Loris Zannata, in the UNAM magazine, explains the deep roots of Jesuit populism. Catholicism is as populist, or more, than AMLO; with a difference, lopezobradorismo seeks to regenerate the Mexican State and catholicity only thinks of the Spiritual Absolutism of the Holy Roman Germanic Empire that, sometimes, not even the Habsburgs themselves understand, as is the case of the poor Austrian fool they brought to Mexico to promote another Counter-Reformation.

During the long electoral transition the political capital of the Catholic Church was extended to too many institutions of the Mexican political system; furthermore, the interventionist nature of the Holy See's uncompromising integral Catholicism is felt in various quarters. Morena's reform seeks to separate the INE from the powers that be. Hence the complaint from the high bureaucrats of the Mexican Catholic clergy, who are defending their fields and do not want to lose capital, influence and budget.

The political scientist Fredo Arias Kung has established critical paths to Christian democracy in Latin America and particularly in Mexico for its inability and complicity to inhibit a liberal, capitalist and modern society. The ecclesiastical bureaucracy in Mexico is linked to oligarchs, drug traffickers, abusive businessmen, caciques, authoritarianism and populism: Were Onésimo Cepeda and Marcial Maciel interested in the question of democracy? One only has to trace a little in the lineage of the high clergy to understand their attachment to the Habsburg Model of the Feudalist Treasury. The Ecclesiastical Bureaucracy and the Christian democracy are the least interested in a democratic transition; indeed, the historical ruptures would annul their capacity for intervention, management and manipulation.

The CEM uses the political thought of Catholic nationalism attached more to fascism than to democracy, they do not care that the country develops, but that Mexico continues under their control. Even in the CEM, political thought prior to the Second Vatican Council prevails and they don't even come close to learning what Mario Bergoglio seeks to change global Catholicism. The CEM's defense of the INE will be respectable when they first address Pope Francis and Liberation Theology.

Around 1924, the Delahuertista rebellion -supported by the high clergy- ended up causing a more than deep division in the armed forces and, at the same time, the influence of the United States in matters of political succession. Subsequently, the Mexican bishops manipulated the Cristero conflict to enter the political system and cohabit with the Revolutionary Family, a coexistence that they continued until they reached power in 2000 to consolidate the Habsburg Model of society and avoid democratic consolidation. The advantage in the neoliberal model was for the right; However, as Arias Kung says, they were not interested in an authentic democracy, they did not seek ruptures or transformations so that Mexico would change politically, socially and economically. Neoliberalism deepened bureaucratic patrimonialism for the benefit of the exterior; now, revolutionary nationalism only tries to compensate the impoverished masses and the state historically. It is fair and necessary.

Isn't that Claudia? Is it Augustus?

 Isn't that Claudia? Is it Augustus?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Since 1994, the President of the Republic is subject to clear rules on succession within his political institute, that is, the designation of the candidate who intends to extend the domain of a partisan administration; However, one of the most current myths in our country is Tapadism, that is, the idea that the President chooses a successor in the candidate of his organization: the successor, who prepares with great care, and who occupies the thought of the commentators, who describe it in a generic way due to its invisibility. This political game complicates matters and is a sign of what it takes to have a civic political culture.

Once the alternation arrived in Mexico, the practice of tapadism has also been a temptation for the PAN and now for Morena. For this party, the hope of imposing the successor, or successor, seems to falter before the wear and tear of the internal struggle, which is beginning to be perceived in the government results and its corruption with political clientelism.

For some groups, the failure of Claudia Sheinbaum's candidacy and the spectacular appearance of Adán Augusto López, a native of Tabasco, like the President, and member of a family linked to power, is more than evident. The head of government and her presidential aspirations, on her part, begin to diminish thanks to her erratic administration as head of government of CDMX and the lack of political independence in the face of opposition media attacks.

Adán Augusto, like other secretaries of the interior who have reached the country's first magistracy, has begun to govern early, with the permission of the executive, in many matters and with little criticism to his credit, except for the repeated provocations of a brother of the President, who insists on supporting Sheinbaum.

An authoritarian culture tends to pay tribute to strong leaders who achieve their objectives even if they are wrong, acting promptly by defining specific objectives. This is how the behavior of the government secretary is understood, who well understands the role of being the subject closest to AMLO.

The President will have no other option than to allow the person who has developed the governance mechanisms to pass. But this behavior has not always been a reflection of the ideas of the Fourth Transformation, from which Adán Augusto López seems to be further removed than Marcelo Ebrard and, perhaps for this reason, the Secretary of the Interior captivates and cultivates the affections of AMLO's opponents. . In any case, Adán Augusto will be the most practical candidate and at times the most rational of the prospects despite his progressivism.

Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

 Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although it is true that an important tendency of the National Action Party is identified with a foolproof civilism, even this commitment cannot be removed from the historical reality of the country. A few decades ago, when the possibilities of presidential alternation loomed, Carlos Castillo Peraza reflected on a Pact of Oblivion regarding the regime of the Mexican revolution and the importance of modifying the lyrics of the National Anthem to project peace and harmony that distinguishes a democratic context. again regimen. However, although this way of reflecting on the country's political course dispensed with the authoritarianism exercised by the Official Party -especially in its military aspect- it did not detract from the centrality of the armed forces.

Symbols are symbols, they signify and resignify, reinterpret and feed the search for meaning. In political culture it is a basic lesson. Santiago Creel's conduct allows us to glimpse his conservative, pro-Yankee and feudal latifundista lineage. Mexican politicians are a time machine; the Fourth Transformation is accused of trying to restore the regime of the Mexican revolution, but Creel wants to build a North American neo-Porfirismo.

The Mexican Army, particularly the one that is the product of the Mexican Revolution, has performed the most noble and heroic tasks in recent years. The Armed Forces are the true Revolutionary Family that supported the existence of the country with pins in the most voracious century of US geopolitics. The sacred work of sacrifice is the daily sphere of the Mexican military, especially since the PAN launched them into a war with their hands tied and for the benefit of North American imperialism. At least, due to the river of blood spilled corresponding to thousands of Mexican soldiers, it is not at all questionable that the national arms can accompany the patriotic flag wherever it is, the Mexican military are the only ones that can carry the national flag with dignity, contrary to many other Mexicans, mainly politicians.

I disagree with Carlos Castillo Peraza, the National Anthem should not be modified one iota. Mexican nationalism has a lot of homework to do for an incomprehensible country that, despite everything, moves, advances and - paradoxically - slowly recovers what imperialist pirates stole from it in the past.

When the PAN was the party of the long march, it could not bear any affront to the patriotic flag. In the political demonstrations called and not infrequently repressed, he demanded reparation -With the march of the armed forces!- to the Mexican flags that they used to demand the cancellation of electoral fraud. And yes, they were right. So then, what does the Mexican Army mean for the PAN? Are the armed forces only admirable when they are at the service of the anti-communists? Wouldn't it be more dignified for the PAN to recognize that it sent the Mexican Army into a suicidal war on instructions? from the United States? In that Kafkaesque Mexicanness, Genaro García Luna is being more coherent in acknowledging that in all his miserable performance he only obeyed orders, from the gringos! Why doesn't Santiago Creel propose himself, along with Eduardo Verástegui, as candidates for the presidency of the United States of America?

The false criticism that Santiago Creel wants to make of Mexican militarism is going to result in something worse. He did not defend any sovereignty, he committed one of the most serious institutional contempts against the Mexican soldier, the Mexican revolution and, let's be honest, the national soldier who represents a racial stereotype marginalized by individuals like Santiago Creel and Lorenzo Córdova, what a coincidence his work and mentality in electoral bodies! That is what political-political democratic fundamentalism is for, to unprotect the few dignified and authentic symbols that this country has left. The former secretary of the interior and unsuccessful candidate for the PAN presidential candidacy reveals his racism, classism and aporophobia. Maybe if the US Embassy sent him an escort, he wouldn't hesitate to accept it complete with guns (or missiles and tanks like Zelensky). Or would he also prefer some Hooters Cheerlaeders to please his Super Bowl-loving crowd?

The cover depends on the White House

 The cover depends on the White House

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Governance in Mexico depends on the geopolitical interests of the United States. The conflict that has been generated between the models of authoritarian nationalism and technocratic-neoliberalism regarding control over Mexican society has nothing to do with the guidelines for growth or development that suit Mexicans, but rather what dictates the North American hegemonic vision. The next ruler of Mexico must submit to the subterfuges of colonialism.

Although for some it is unthinkable and catastrophic that the United States decides to have a country like Mexico at its side, seen the issue from the North American geopolitical and rational perspective, there is nothing more convenient for the empire. What kind of country is more in the neighborhood of the United States? A newly industrialized middle-class country or a mafia republic? The perspective of drug trafficking, for example, no matter how criminal and dirty it may be for society; it comes in handy in the global geopolitics of North America. The profits from drug trafficking are essential in a Darwinian competition scenario as the global economic model results.

Drug trafficking is Mexico's true complementary economy towards the United States. The flow of thousands of tons of drugs, thousands of weapons, and billions of dollars are not invisible. The authorities cooperate in the exchange of these products and Mexico is the main shortcut to the North American informal economy to subsidize its imperialism. How to convince North America that our country can contribute to the regional economy wealth other than that produced by emigration and drugs? It is impossible in the short term.

The transformation projects of the Mexican economy are one hundred years or more, and require changing the colonial structure of the country. The economic need of the United States and the challenges it faces in international relations, however, do not allow time for pauses or recesses where the country's economic infrastructure gets a chance to modernize. The Mexican narco-republic is not going to disappear as long as the United States does not find new ways to “democratically” sponsor its hegemony. Before the globalization period, the romanticization of the American superpower included highlighting the role of the American taxpayer; however, neoliberalism brought the narco democracy that has not been able to detach itself from the American dream. To bring liberal capitalist democracy everywhere, America has had to turn its taxpayer into a drug addict and its allies into drug gangsters.

García Luna and the Mexican succession

 García Luna and the Mexican succession

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The trial in the United States of America against the former Secretary of Public Security during the government of Felipe Calderón may have various purposes depending on the geopolitical convenience of North American imperialism. If the American Union conceives that its world hegemony is extinguished and it is healthy to concentrate on continental exceptionalism to better face a new Cold War after the fact, then García Luna will be evidenced as the architect of corruption in Mexican narco-neoliberalism from Vicente Fox to Enrique Peña grandson; which would end up sinking the presidential aspirations of the Mexican right. On the contrary, if the US Narco-Empire decides to continue confronting Russia, China, Brazil, India and the Middle East, to finance the war economy that the Pentagon is absorbing, ergo, Genaro García Luna will be Commander Oliver North of the PRIANRD, now indispensable to implant bureaucratic-technocratic-military-narcocaciquil.

The Mexican-American double standard regarding narcoterrorism depends on the circumstances. The United States financed the anti-communism of its period of containment with respect to the Soviet Union with drugs from Latin America, the Middle East and Asia, the Iran-Contra scandal is a small sample of a whole narco-economy that feeds an extensive military-industrial complex. The Mexican political class and other distinctive fiefdoms of our structural condition benefited in spurts from anti-communism, as well as from drug trafficking. The influx of dollars that consolidated political parties, universities, dependencies and liberal democracies; It didn't just come from the American taxpayer.

Even though AMLO and Morena are going to use the trial against García Luna as a way of demonstrating the opposition's links with narcopolitics, the truth is that -despite the irrefutable evidence of the case- the imperialist reason of state will prevail against what be.

What must be considered important for the future of the relationship between Mexico and the United States, mainly from the national perspective, is the way in which our country will be judged. Mexico is assimilated to a Terrorist Drug Trafficking Zombie that offers the possibility -as it happened in the 19th century- of being a new training camp for the US military.

It is not only the insane claim of Donald Trump to launch missiles against the narco-municipalities from the different North American bases and aircraft carriers. It is the real cause of narcoterrorism for the benefit of the pentagonist war economy that is increasingly considering intervening in Mexico because of the prevailing anarchy and ungovernability.

The authoritarian nationalism/military technocratic bureaucratism pendulum has always been linked to the narco. Everyone has their García Luna or Oliver North.

MORENA/PRIANRD: No escape from the black circle

 MORENA/PRIANRD: No escape from the black circle

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the specter of governability begins to be represented as a threat to the Fourth Transformation, over time it can be seen that the anomias and pathologies that the country accumulates have been determined by the United States of America. Since the fateful years of López Mateos, social issues and national stability have been complicated, with the passing of the six-year terms, the border of chaos has been reached. It is impossible for the current six-year term to effectively slow down a process that has been accumulating for decades; but it cannot be said that he has not done anything.

If Mexico falls, the Yankee empire too. This is a truism that is evident in the Pentagon, the CIA, the DEA and other agencies that oversee US power. The point is that the Mexican political class also knows it and, for better or for worse, they have jointly decided that the country, the Mexican Republic, should be established as the backyard of the North Americans. It is true that Mexico is dangerously close to the condition of a failed state thanks to neoliberalism, but it is that it is convenient for imperialism; Have we forgotten who canceled the possibility of having a Japan below the Rio Grande? How many million tons of drugs does the US need to be in harmony? The economic superpower has all the technology at its disposal, but why does it need fifty million Mexican “wet slaves” for its fertile economy, plus those who crossed today?

America is not going to change; no matter how much the neoliberal and conservative right refer to themselves, to their style of governing, as more Swedish, Dutch, Spanish; In the end, they end up the same as always, paying the flat fee to the global super cop for running the club and nothing more.

Manuel Camacho Solís, Antonio Velasco Piña and Pablo González Casanova have a singular coincidence: political power and governability in Mexico reside in the military, in no one else. What is the difference between an authoritarian nationalist regime (populism/pricomunist Guadalupano) and another technocratic-bureaucratic-military regime (neoliberalism)? The victim is society. Perhaps the government of the 4T has done something for the most needy in the country; however, neoliberals only want a welfare state for the rich. In general, the country is at the disposal of the United States; the administrators are changed, but the armed forces take care of the establishment. Even a civil war in Mexico is bearable for North America, but the invasion of the United States towards our country would constitute a defeat like Vietnam; the guerrilla war would be inexhaustible for the American Union, as well as the constant migration of temporary groups.

Mexico, in contemporary times, has always lived on the brink of chaos, no matter how ungovernable the Lopezobrador government is blamed, the neoliberals did not have the country any better and things will never improve.

When we focus on Mexican ungovernability, one wonders who manages it best for the US. No matter how ungovernable you want to manifest in Mexico, it goes as far as North America supports. Even if the extreme right longs for it with all its humanist soul, Mexico will not reach the levels of Peru, where the criollos can go around killing indigenous people left and right. Ungovernability in Mexico can reach the levels of the Mexican Revolution or the Cristero War; something else would mean a guerrilla war that could infect the southern United States and could trigger an American civil war, a flank for the real enemies of the United States: Islam, Russia or China, even Europe.

Has the Guadalupan pri communism of the 4T for the US ceased to be useful? No. On the contrary. Given the balances of ungovernability, authoritarian nationalism is better than military bureaucratic technocracy; unless the United States wants to make Mexico a real hell worse than Ukraine. Can the PRIANRD bring us to the level of the Ukraine? Yes, and they are capable of worse. Denmark or Sweden represent the sick beliefs of the aspirationists, it is not a utopia but a madness; they point to the populists as crazy, but to make the Anti-liberal Spains liberal is true marijuana.

Mexico is Mexico, and as long as you have the United States as your neighbor, you will always be far from God. Even if the PRIANRD triumphs in the next elections of 2024, the Mexican Army is the only link in Mexican governance, the neoliberals will continue to militarize the country, as much or more as AMLO has done. And, like good hypocrites, they are going to shed more blood as they did in Calderonism.

Anarchy is the limit for the absolute domination of the United States in Mexico. Meanwhile, only hell is the option of the false right and left.

Puebla and the resignation of the security agency

 Puebla and the resignation of the security agency

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

A few weeks ago, almost days after taking office, the recent governor of Puebla Sergio Salomón Céspedes petitioned the municipal presidents to allocate 25% of the public budget to security. However, the situation that has been generated in Sinaloa and the data on insecurity in Puebla itself, reveal the null capacity of the mayors to support the well-being of their citizens in a dignified manner, as well as the incomprehensible request of the governor. Only in compliance with correspondence related to police/citizens, most of Puebla's municipalities do not comply. What other monstrosity can arise when talking about training, protocols, weapons or infrastructure?

Before the death of Miguel Barbosa, Puebla occupied - at the level of state entities - one of the most serious spaces of insecurity, for this reason, although Salomón Céspedes's suggestion has a positive intention, the results will not benefit Puebla. The political scientist Mauricio Saldaña of the ICGDE-BUAP, provided scientific elements to demonstrate the delicate level that the crime of huachicol, drug trafficking, femicides, money laundering, impunity, kidnappings and extortion has reached; as well as the importance of building intelligent public policies to, at least, do "something" against the crime that has prevailed in Puebla for several years.

The study by María Amparo Casar, entitled “The municipality, an institution designed for failure”, has been constantly referred to, so that it serves to show that what has happened at the state level: feuderalism; It is also reproduced at the municipal level. It could well be called alcaldehueteria, but the social sciences have already worked on the subject long before and, instead of meaning useless neologisms, the pre-Columbian word cacicazgo is taken.

It seems that the state government does not want to assume its responsibility and proposes a gentle request to the characters who lead crime on a micro scale. Legislator Castillo, who heads the presidency of the permanent commission, could well report on these circumstances as he belongs to one of the most violent and criminal regions of the entity. This is what has been seen in the experience of Michoacán, Guanajuato, Tamaulipas, Veracruz and Sinaloa. The narcopolitics have more than surrounded the municipal presidents, as it happens in many states of the country and Puebla is no exception.

Federalism has served to expose the pathologies of patrimonialism, cacicazgo and clientelism.

Since the administration of Rafael Moreno Valle, there has been a contradiction between state and local governments regarding the issue of municipal police and security. The big loser has been society and the results are all the time in the red note. The increases in insecurity grow relentlessly due to the incapacity and corruption that prevail in municipal governments to which the governor "tries" to persuade.

Public safety in Puebla is already one of the main problems that future candidates for state government should seriously consider. It is essential to avoid solutions that have failed in the past, municipal police are not good for much, and the most important thing is withdraw the budget from the mayors of the most violent areas of the state to better develop the state police, or develop interstate programs that in the past have served to prevent the cockroach effect of crime. The most important thing is that the state government must not continue to dismantle, as Moreno Valle did and the subsequent rulers could not avoid it, the judicial structure necessary to link crimes and apply the law; Trusting in the ability of mayors -mainly within the state- to fight crime is akin to handing over Rome to Nero

As the electoral process for the governorship in Puebla approaches, the unity of Morena is called into question, but also the circumstances in which local interests have struggled to retain power. The dispute for political power in Puebla does not go unnoticed due to the growth of organized crime, particularly the issue of Huachicol and drug trafficking. Just as ICGDE-BUAP political scientist Mauricio Saldaña has numerically highlighted the growth of groups and criminal typology in the entity and, even, in the state capital; Now, the journalist Francisco Ramos Zerón in Reforma, involves a study on the criminal collaboration of some officials from the time of the marines and up to the present with these issues that have placed Puebla in the most serious levels of corruption, impunity and violence. It is enough to remember the passage of Facundo Rosas through Puebla and the collaboration with the accused in North America Genaro García Luna. The Huachicol has reached not only important extensions of the state but also a wide power.

Unfortunately, the narco and the huachicol dot several members of the Puebla political class. Those who are faithfully militating in their parties, but also the defectors. Ardelio Vargas has collaborated with all the political parties in the entity to reduce these negative conditions that affect various regions of the state, and nothing has been done. Is it because someone cooperates?, as the narco corridos say.

Francisco Ramos's note should encourage the political class of Puebla to inhibit their collaboration with crime and corruption, to do something about crime and accidents that have cost -and are costing- many lives.

It is true that barbarism could do little against Huachicol and drug trafficking. The delicate conflicts that have affected the holders of the Executive Branch in Puebla involve carefully observing the evolution of crime. Apparently, the security situation in Puebla is uncontrollable and nobody wants to do anything, but it is everyone's job, mainly the government. Of the government that all the political parties have represented and not only the current one. The rugged barbosismo could not take control of governance, avilacamachismo and morenovallismo remain strongly rooted in poblana life.