The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review 

Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero y Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia

BUAP 

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinators): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp.

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6 and ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

http://www.profmex.org/ciclosytendencias/vinculos/La_Derecha_Mexicana_en_el_Siglo_XX.pdf

La derecha mexicana en el siglo XX. Agonía, transformación y supervivencia. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López y Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinadores): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp. 

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6  y  ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

1. Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero

Profesor Investigador del Instituto de Ciencias del Gobierno BUAP

Research Professor of the Government Sciences Institute BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891147/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_Transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_1

This publication represents, in my opinion, one of the definitive advances to understand and interpret the current relationship between the Mexican political system and the Roman Catholic Church. Several articles analyze in depth and supported in a vast bibliography such crucial issues as the cult of Christ the King, the Cristiada, the assassination of the Jesuit Miguel Agustín Pro in the context of the main political-religious groupings in Mexico. In the third part highlights the chapter dedicated to the vicissitudes of Mexican fascism along with the Hispanic Heritage of Manuel Gómez Morín. Finally, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero -coordinators of the volume- analyze two topics of undeniable topicality: conservative feminism and the National Action Party, graphically described as THE CONSERVATIVE SMURF.

In the preface, it is rightly pointed out that in order to penetrate the tangled political jungle of Mexico, it is necessary to remember the great heterogeneity of the Mexican left, as well as the socio-political hedge of the right. The distinctive note are the articles included in the abundant and varied bibliography, on which the authors base their statements, and the clarity with which they present their varied theses. An essential article to understand the confusing current approach of the relations of the Mexican Government with the Holy See is the article by Elio Masferrer, in which he analyzes the control - not only religious - exercised by the Inquisition during the Colony. He then goes deeper into the analysis of the different historical periods: Independence, the 1930s and the contemporary Spanish political-religious situation. In order to understand "the strategic responses of the Catholic Church", as Elio Masferrer affirms, this author aptly quotes the funeral note published in memory of ex-Girolamo Prigione:

"Against what many think that Mexico gave everything and did not ask for anything, in
there really was not much to give or ask. However, Salinas
(the president) put a condition. That Miguel Hidalgo and José María
Morelos were redeemed from their excommunication. Girolamo Prigione, as
apostolic delegate, he proposed it to Pope John Paul II, who took it to
his canons, as his lawyers are called. The matter was studied and
They found a happy solution. Bishop Manuel Abad y Queipo was a
son had out of wedlock and that prevented him from being a bishop. A) Yes
that he only had the appointment of provisional bishop, but not definitive. Y
excommunication requires a definitive episcopal appointment. So,
therefore, Hidalgo and Morelos were never excommunicated and did not require
they would redeem. "

A second article also essential for the same purpose is the one dedicated to "The Faithful Spain", in which the concept of Hispanidad is analyzed as a generator of "authentic Hispanism". This admirable synthesis of "Mexicanness" and "Hispanicness" forged by Manuel Gómez Morín is crucial to understand the ideological development of the Mexican right. Fundamental factor, as the authors underline, to understand "the cultural and spiritual community between Spain and its colonies."

What would be the final evaluation that is imposed upon the conclusion of the reading of all the articles? A first evaluation is found in the preface written by Samuel Schmidt, James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie. We do not pretend to formulate a critical opinion of such lucid evaluations, but we do not hesitate to agree with these authors when they indicate that "this book is important because it allows us to study the origin and evolution of the political forces prevailing in Mexico."

It should be emphasized that the authors of the various chapters have described and deepened a political-religious theme in a creative and well-documented manner. This confirms the opinion of these three authors when affirming (ibid: 24) that "Patricia and Diego show us that there is not a single historical truth and that there is still much to be discovered and explained about the rights in Mexico".

Affirmation very understandable and acceptable. But, for our part, we allow ourselves to indicate that the accurate historical considerations directed towards the end towards "The Priista Smurf" (El Pitufo Priista) offer us, at the same time, an objective basis for deepening the "Vatican Smurf." They are two 'Smurfs' intimately connected for centuries. In Mexico we already have an abundant historical research on the relationships maintained for two centuries by these two politico-religious entities. It is time, to conclude, for the researchers to delve into the structural characteristics of the Vatican State capable of granting, preventing and reformulating apparently ecclesiastical distinctions, but which penetrate and configure the intimate historical structure of countries such as Mexico and Spain. 

2. Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia
Profesor Investigador de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la BUAP 
Research Professor of the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences of the BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891148/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_2

After the National Action Party rise to presidential power in 2000, a style of political activism that has operated in Mexico for more than a century was unveiled. The work of Álvaro Delgado entitled "The Anvil. The far right in power" (2003), was a watershed to understand the reconfiguration that had different actors who managed to converge with traditionalism, conservatism, religiosity, etc., to give rise to what can be defined as the Mexican right.

The discussion in Mexico on the right is already decimonial, if we go back to the discussion of authors like Hale (1982) we will know that the political and ideological role of the representatives of the same have transcended since the 19th century, heirs of a Mexico that did not end to distinguish beyond conservative liberalism of the nineteenth century.

The Mexican Right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival (2017) comes to be subscribed in the discussion, which to this day is latent in national history, about groups of past and contemporary conservatism. The text recovers the memory - still alive - of many characters forgotten by history and ignored for being in the disagreement of the great men of the revolutionary period; nevertheless, they are real architects of the change and Mexican political transformation.

Divided into 4 parts the text takes us through a first discussion and approach to the concepts and categories of what is called symbolic representation with the contributions of compilers and national researchers Cesar Cansino and Elio Masferrer, important in this section to observe the Mexican ideological compass (Cancino, 2017: 44) to size and locate the range of topics on the Mexican right. In the second part, the cult of Christ the King in the moments of Mexican nationalism during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the religious themes linked to the peasant movements of that historical period of the nation; It gives an account of the formation of Mexican ultra-right groups and of characters still little known in history such as Miguel Agustín Pro. In the third part and as political alternatives of the Mexican right, we explain the set of fascist expressions of these social components of the right, like José Vasconcelos himself, led to sympathize with Nazism, the Hispanic heritage of Gómez Morin, as well as the description of the activism of discrete groups of the caliber of MURO, Yunque and Tecos, made by Gerardo Lozada and Hervey Rivera; in the fourth and final part the work leaves the slopes where the right can reconfigure itself in the present, through the phenomenon of Conservative Feminism headed by Margarita Zavala, and the role of the "Priista Smurf"; which reveals the power relationship that led the PAN to collaborate with the regime's party that was antagonistic since its creation in 1939.

The work coordinated by Xóchitl Patricia and Diego Martín, is a serious example of the symbolic reconfiguration and political praxis that the right wing had in Mexico during the 20th century, through a fine collaboration of academics. From the beginning the work highlights the interview with James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie, on the part of Samuel Schmidt to rescue through the thought of Manuel Gómez Morin the ideological bases that constituted the PAN.

The work of recovery and hermeneutic analysis of the work, the handling of documentary sources not widely disseminated in the national and regional scope, as well as the exploration of topics such as ultra-right groups and their involvement in alternative projects of the nation is the hallmark of originality of This product of academic research that also speaks of a dynamic and historical social inertias in many parts of contemporary Mexico, which are still awaiting new epistemological approaches with which to observe the transformation and survival of the Mexican right, the intensification of the authors was to gather different contributions to make a formal analysis that would lead us to think about the different types of conservatives and rights in our country.

Delgado, A. (2003). The anvil. The extreme right in power. Mexico: Plaza and Janés.
Hale, C. (1982). Mexican Liberalism in the time of Mora. Mexico. Ed. Siglo XXI

Cold War and subordination of the Mexican political class

Cold War and subordination of the Mexican political class

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/10/02/Guerra-Fr%C3%ADa-y-subordinaci%C3%B3n-de-la-clase-pol%C3%ADtica-mexicana

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/10/03/guerra-fria-y-subordinacion-de-la-clase-politica-mexicana-2/

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The international scenario after the Second World War determined the geopolitical position of Mexico as an ally of the United States of North America, for it played a fundamental role clerofascism. Between 1926 and 1942 a harassment against the Mexican State was generated by the Holy See and the elements of Catholic nationalism that disturbed US foreign policy. After the attacks of Pearl Harbor, North America forces the Mexican government to admit the sinarquismo in the governability of the country. This situation should be highlighted when studying the structure and conformation of national elites. Peter Smith describes the labyrinths of political power in Mexico, but he forgot to study the drainage of catacomb catholicism.

During the Cold War our country was constituted as a right-wing system. A civil right and a religious right, were the lanes where the Mexican political system was structured. Like other experiences in Latin America and the world, social frameworks were consigned to characters that oriented a conservative modernity without risk for the balance of nuclear containment.

Repression and harassment have been measures against those who seek to build an authentic nationalism or disagree with the liberal western model. The binomial CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) -National Catholicism has been the core of the PRI, PRIAN and PRIANRD in recent times.

Connoted politicians, businessmen, priests and diverse characters, were at the service of pentagonism to "save the world from the Masonic communist Jewish conspiracy." Justify crimes against humanity, upset the facts, hide evidence and encourage the dispossession of the poor, are the tasks of the apostles and evangelizers of Occidentalism. The Latin American right does not defend the values ​​of liberal democracy, it is subordinated to the American war economy and will hardly change in the short term.

1968 should be the reminder of the cost involved in building a free nation against the interests of the superpowers. The authoritarianism and dirty war that continued at that time, are the sign of the risk implied by the absence of true citizenship in Mexican society. 1968 is the memorandum that American and Vatican control of our country is deeper than the shameful neoliberal clauses. Now that communism has been replaced by drug trafficking as the new enemy of the United States, it is highly probable that this political class is willing to turn Mexico into a stage for Tom Clancy's novels.

The Cold War implied the beginning of youth killings and the disappearance of social movements in Mexico. Representatives of Catholic Nationalism such as Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, Luis Echeverría Álvarez and the technocratic generations that have continued, have sacrificed thousands of people in our country to be part of the oligarchy subordinated to North America. However, they have been the worst managers of US imperialism: Mexico expels millions of emigrants and drugs, the United States is increasingly poor and addicted. The clerofascismo seems to be the unbeaten actor of the postwar period.

The construction of a new regime in our country coincides with the real weakening of North America. Something serious must happen in the country of bars and stars if in the foresight of George Friedmann and Samuel Huntington, the Mexican question is a civilizational risk without comparison or understanding. The societies of both countries must understand that the cost of a control like the one that was put into practice during the Cold War era is onerous for all. Pentagonism is no longer an option for North America, the United States is an empire that must begin to federalize. Mexico must value the circumstantial independence that fate provides in the current context, it is essential the secularization of all social structures and the full awareness of the damage that Catholic nationalism -the right- has caused -and intends to continue to cause- in the evolution from the country.

México: Fourth Transformation and Complex Thought

México: Fourth Transformation and Complex Thought
September 24, 2018
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/24/Cuarta-Transformaci%C3%B3n-y-Pensamiento-Complejo

Modern thought is iconoclastic and aims to desacralize elements at every moment. The axiom of the death of God did not mean the disappearance of spiritual and metaphysical needs but the loss of centrality that religious institutions contained, at least, in Western culture. Thus, the march of secularization -dialéctica and infinita- began, where the history and freedom of man wander. Each destroyed paradigm is followed by a period of free will that articulates a temporal model to understand, conscientize and explain reality. Disacralizing is breaking monopolies, socializing knowledge, and building new interpretations. Evolution demands change.

A new "rebellion of the masses" is approaching in the world and in Mexico it was peacefully implemented in the elections that formed one of the most significant alternations of national history. What lost centrality in Mexico? What was desacralized? Neoliberalism, technocracy, entrepreneurs and PRIANRD. The Conservative Modernity was exhausted to give way to an Innocent Modernity.

Some years ago the educational field was hit by this type of changes. The positivism that generated so much order in the production of Latin American knowledge and lifestyle was replaced by new didactics; Even the positivist approach -which was the Mexican illustration- began to be called "traditionalist pedagogy". During the neoliberal era it was called "educational quality" to imitate the processes that were practiced in private education institutions. During the last thirty years the education of the Mexican Revolution was contravened because it only formed poor and PRI. In private education institutions is where these guidelines of complexity and pluralism are fully taken, from reactionary perspectives you can talk about some models completely feminist or infantile in cases of higher education. Thus, the figure of the teacher has been decentralized and it is horizontal to build a new way of teaching and learning. The same thing has happened to the professor as to the priest: they are no longer legitimate intermediaries between the abstract and the concrete.

In the public education sector it was considered that Edgar Morin's theory of complexity and chaos was promoted to dismantle the role of the teacher as the protagonist of social movements. The student sector was established as the catalyst-proletariat-from the perspective of critical, liberalizing and Marxist educational approaches. Thus, the far right that guided conservative modernity whipped up public education to raise an aspirational individual who managed to live with six thousand pesos a month.

Why did the Millenials vote for MORENA? Is that the model of education based on complexity worked. Edgar Morin became the main public enemy of traditionalist education. Relativism, nihilism, existentialism, complexity, agnosticism, etc., did not come from Antonio Gramsci and Carlos Marx; it was the interests of the neoliberal and business dynamics that were in charge of consolidating it everywhere.

The desacralization of the technocrats, businessmen and neoliberals is now presented and social participation in the design of public policies (participatory budgets-consultations) to build better governance.

In the logic of chaos and complexity, inclusive processes of the greatest diversity and rationality are generated. Nature is sacred, matriarchy, happiness, diversity and alternative. 1968 is the Vietnam of all time.

What does the PRIANRD oligarchy then complain about? It will be that the desacralización implies loss of privileges. The right and far right now are the "Zorro sin cola" and shout their apocalyptic terrorism everywhere. The Rafael Preciado Hernández Foundation, the Mexican Institute of Competitiveness and Puebla represent spaces where the nostalgia for a "Nazi Modernity" implements actions that justify all types of violence. However, the social process that has begun in Mexico does not stop with anything, it only remains to assume the responsibilities and continue to continue.

To the millenarian reaction you need proposals if you long for posterity. National Action has to observe, seriously, the complexity and chaos to which it contributed and formulate adequate responses if it hopes that the statist turn made by the Mexican government will not last long. Trying to innovate the Mexico of the 21st century with the ideas of Traian Romanescu, Maximino Ávila Camacho and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz is impossible. 

MARTHA TRUMP

Martha Trump

September 2, 2018

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/02/Martha-Trump

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The way in which digital messages ex-candidate PAN Martha Ericka Alonso has been unfortunate. The permanent form of aggression and evasion that contain their ideas, shows an authoritarian and classist personality. Beyond marketing, its way of dealing with sensitive issues in the region has little tact and humanity. It is obvious that he intends a style similar to that of the American president.

The lynching in Puebla, over the last few years, is the direct responsibility of the Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachista clique that agreed with the ultra-right of Puebla the alternation in 2010, has been dedicated to dismantling and destroying the political institutions and municipalities of the entity. Gentrification, plundering, dispossession, fraud, extortion, neoextractivism and looting, have been the guidelines of the PAN governments in Puebla and, therefore, the morenovallismo far surpassed the marinismo.

In 2003, when Vicente Fox promoted the recognition of Mexican emigrants in the United States of America, the town of San Vicente Boquerón was placed as a model of self-government and solidarity thanks to its emigrants. The Club "Grupo Unión" (Esquivel, 2003) has promoted all the things that governments -in their three levels- have forgotten and failed to do. The natives of this community that moved to North America have subsidized drains, ambulances, schools, musical bands, patron saints, hospitals, collective transport, road infrastructure, etc. There are the works of some serious migrantologists (Gustavo López Ángel and Liliana Rivera) who can account for the enormous social capital that has developed in this community and in other localities, auxiliary boards, ranches and colonies that only have migrants to survive . Other studies were even designed, from there, to structure the 3x1 federal policy. Later, Foxism itself tried to hurt this community through a neoextractivist project of which they defended themselves heroically and ended up, finally, abandoning them. And, still, the aristocratic panismo dares to say that the City Council of Acatlán de Osorio is surpassed? In the Mixteca Poblana there is no government, it is a huge Comala where the Morenovallismo agreed with Pedro Páramo.

Ignorance of state government and panism is unbearable because it is not ignorance; It is cynicism. The issue of the approval of municipal public accounts by the local legislature delineates this point. A former PAN municipal president who dragged administrative processes of financial responsibility a little over a decade ago, was visited to conculcarlo to propose a party in his town party to fragment the vote and support Martha Ericka, to do so, they guaranteed the approval of their accounts public ... .., and they complied. One case, more than regrettable, is another Mixteco president who could not verify - because it does not exist - a sports unit for several million pesos that was managed by the Ministry of Finance. The same process The same procedure.

Who is responsible then?

It is not worth criminalizing these communities because they are poor, because they are migrant communities that have been abandoned historically. Does Martha Ericka remember the treatment she gave to the migrants who rebuked her on the issue of 43 of Ayotzinapa? If the public resources were distributed equitably, if the administrative circuits and the head offices were taken into account, they would be more equal with the other communities of the municipality. If the government were managed with less patrimonialism. There is no doubt, the reality would be different.

Lynchings in Puebla have become widespread in urban and rural areas. They are evidence of government neglect and corruption. Whichever way you look at it, the Morenovallismo impoverished and violated the whole society to promote its modernizing megaprojects. The "development" of Puebla is the facade to promote a political ambition at whatever cost. And the situation in Puebla will worsen now that the national ultra-right wants to take shelter under the command of its new glorious general.

It is annoying, too, the silence of academics and researchers who know these regions of the Mixteca Poblana. We have received water, food, shelter, support and valuable information to develop research that nobody reads, but that serve for academic tourism and financing. The least that can be said is that the criminalization of San Vicente Boquerón is unfair and takes a turn to divert the criticism of those who are truly responsible. The individuals who visited the area after the tremors of September 2017 were able to verify the absolute orphanhood in which these towns are located. It is not justifiable that extreme deprivation provokes lynchings; but, the abandonment and governmental manipulation of panism, in these years, is unbearable.

Lynchings occur in contexts where deprivation and government neglect. What part of Puebla is not like that? The indicators of the IDD in all the PAN governments for our entity, equated the state with Michoacán and Guerrero. It was only a matter of time before conflicts arose. Puebla is one of the main expellers of migrants to North America, now, it is also one of the main affected by the immigration policy of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. What has the state government done? Frauds, only fraud.

The treatment of the migrant community of San Vicente Boquerón is not responsible. Hell has a name and surname. The money spent in local and national media to show the villagers, should be used to reduce poverty. Discrimination against these people; however, it is not exclusive only to politicians like Martha Ericka. It is also worth noting the conflict between Ricardo Monreal and Andrés Bermudez Viramontes-the King of Tomato-in Zacatecas. According to the researcher Miguel Moctezuma, the successful migrant insisted that, only when they were ill with cancer, would the evil of the members of the Mexican political class decrease. Bermudez is dead and Zacatecas, like Puebla, keeps going bad.

Mexican migrants must learn from Cuban migrants in North America. Just as the latter ask the US government to demand significant democratic changes in the Cuban regime to lessen the pressure of the inhuman economic blockade, then, Mexican emigrants should press to be taken into account by the United States, for example, to negotiate the Free Trade Agreement. and demand greater reciprocity from Mexican politicians in the communities of origin such as San Vicente Boquerón. Mexico has been unfair to its emigrants in the United States; but Puebla, it has been the worst. The fight against discrimination must be there and here. The tweet of Martha Ericka and the ideas of the morenovallismo on the popular groups and the migrant communities must be a warning on the reasons to avoid that it assume some public function.

In Puebla there is a perverse strategy of government terrorism to criminalize poverty and justify hard-line government. If the morenovallismo survives and seizes the PAN, this diazordacista mentality will be transformed into the rhetoric of the new right. This can not continue if the country wants a Fourth Transformation.

Migrants in struggle. J. Jesus Esquivel. Magazine Process N. 1400. August 31, 2003. Page 28-30

Local Patrimonialism

Local Patrimonialism

August 27, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/08/27/Patrimonialismo-local

 

Puebla has been one of the entities most hurt by government corruption in recent years. Even when the problems in the state and municipal administration have been made known, the last periods have promoted patrimonialism to extraordinary levels. The damage to the common good of the poblanos will extend for several generations and, every day, it seems irreparable. The social pathologies in Puebla are reaching historical levels. Like a virus they will spread everywhere and nobody can say they are invulnerable. The equivalence with Veracruz, Michoacán and Guerrero is a thing of the past, the local oligarchy wants - in these criminalistic indicators - to approach Tamaulipas, Sinaloa or Chihuahua.
The Puebla entity was placed at the level of the worst governments according to the social, political and economic indicators of various study institutions. The political alternation was an authoritarian regression to the cacique model that kidnaps the public administration for personal benefit. The debate that indicated in the six years of the PAN severe questions to the public debt, transparency, concessions and government programs, leaves no room for doubt when observing the behavior of the local legislative power. The approval of public accounts in various entities, especially municipal, institutionalized discretion and authoritarianism as a way of life in our state.
The most shameful case was that of the municipalities. Presidents who had committed real looting of their communities and to whom the Audit Body - now Superior Audit of the State - investigated by means of two technical files that indicated their administrative responsibility, were acquitted by decree. Overnight - literally - their public accounts were approved, the "municipaladas" were ignored. Characters who were removed from processes of verification and accountability were called to form candidacies by all political parties as long as they supported the neo-vilacamacism; Even the independent way was invited to fragment the vote and avoid an opposition coalition that put at risk the official candidacy for the state government.
The route of electoral fraud is parallel to the route of administrative fraud. Caciques, businessmen, political parties, clerics, independents, academics and other entities subject to public responsibility, were cajoled with the maximist Mephistopheleic "divide and conquer". The National Regeneration Movement was also and is being infiltrated with this strategy that will end up empowering Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachismo was replicated holographically in the 217 municipalities and other entities subject to accountability, at a very high power.
The State Audit and Inspection Bodies are institutions destined to fail as long as there is no division of powers and local legislators blindly approve public accounts without a little awareness of the damage they cause to society. What is the meaning of the technical effort and the constant audit? What model, then, of transparency and accountability?
The municipality is a reserve of civility and democracy. In Puebla they have received the greatest patrimonial damage in their history. Same as public and decentralized agencies. Outgoing local legislators will be responsible for the abandonment and decomposition of the social fabric. The lack of public works, the correct distribution of income, the deception of social programs and patrimonialism, will trigger the conflict.

Manuel Bartlett: CIA and the Intermarium

Bartlett: the CIA and the Intermarium

August 20, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/08/20/Bartlett-la-CIA-y-el-Intermarium

 

What is hidden in the historical trajectory of the anti-communist struggle in Latin America? While it is true that Manuel Bartlett's past is as it is, the remarks about the inclusion of this character in the next government of the republic move to reflect on the use and fear of geopolitical strategies for groups that benefited from the context of the cold war and they do not want to lose their privileges. In the absence of intelligence, but above all of legitimacy, the Mexican right insists on maintaining the fallacy and conspiratorial astuteness as the only strategy to achieve power.

Bartlett is a passive asset of Mexican and American security groups. Maybe that's why the right fears him so much. Maybe that's why the US government will never act against him as Rafael Loret de Mola supposed. The events in which this character played were always guided by the fascist consensus that linked the Holy See and the United States of America against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. One of its edges is called Intermarium.

During the second half of the 20th century, the fear of the communist Masonic Jewish conspiracy caused the Americans to grant the Nazis, intransigent integral Catholics, businessmen and conservatives; infiltrate all Latin American corners. The actions to maintain Latin America within the "free world" were diverse. From the promotion of academic programs of political science, liberal press, Catholic universities, to the formation of white guards, control of public administration, formation of a business class, infiltration of national security and, lately, the governance of the organized crime.

Revolutionary nationalism in Mexico constituted a myth, an approach impracticable by the geopolitical context after the Second World War. The patriotic fraud was called Intermarium and it served so that the different rights were succeeded in the political and economic power. The Mexican right can not pretend surprised by the behavior of the "men of the system", with whom they coexisted and instructed. The fear of Manuel Bartlett is nothing other than the fear of a set of actions that they created and developed in a common way. They can not exonerate themselves, historically they are more responsible.

The neoliberal globalization constituted a reactivation of the common interests between the Latin American and Anglo-Saxon rights; however, at the time of the balance, North America maintains losses and errors like those of the USSR in relation to its political satellites. The United States has suffered a total erosion due to the lack of correspondence and autonomy of the other emerging liberal and capitalist nations. The signals of Donald Trump to the political and business class of Mexico are more than certain, that is why the North American geopolitics is changing and emancipating itself from fascist consensuses such as the Intermarium. Mexico did not become the average liberal power that is adequately related socially and economically with the neighbor to the north, as promised by the right when it was assimilated to the anticommunist strategies of the CIA and the Intermarium. Raymundo RivaPalacio wonders if it had not been more successful, in this strategy, that Manuel Bartlett had been president of Mexico instead of Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

The Cold War ended and Russia is closer to a government of the Black Century than Bolshevik. Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin agree on interests to protect their respective nations. In the case of the United States, a cleansing of the intelligence apparatus is generated, as well as a disconnection of the "freeloaders" who took advantage, to the excess, of a fear of Russia that was always false. The crusade against corruption in Mexico must go through a similar strategy: emancipate many areas of the country that the right dominates, for example, higher education.

Donald Trump builds policies against Mexican immigrants in North America to retaliate for the abuses that powerful and corrupt Mexicans commit; however, in the situation of characters like Manuel Bartlett, the US government and the new Mexican regime must pay attention. The Mexican right only knows how to create demented myths that contribute nothing to the development of a country, its leaders are conspiracy experts where the abusive, racist, clerical and gachupines of always exist. Mexico's new government will not rebuild relations with the United States as long as the corporate sector refuses to pay its historical responsibility. Mexican corruption is deeply rooted in private initiative, men like Manuel Bartlett know it and that explains the deep fear that they have

E-Book Man of the System. Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios and the Ministry of the Interior in México

E-Book. Hombre del Sistema. Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios y la Secretaría de Gobernación

https://issuu.com/diegovelazquezcaballero/docs/hombredesistemaebook