The Priista Smurf. National Action and the story of a party defeated by the victory

By Diego Velazquez

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/06/09/el-pitufo-priista/

Just see the light a work that has the best analysis of the political right in Mexico. The book, "When Mexico finished to fuck it? The Legacy of the National Action Party "coordinated by academic Cesar Cansino and German Molina, published by Editorial Mariel, brings together a group of analysts to interpret the experience of the National Action Party during the period of the PRI democradura well as in the transition. The work is the product of V International Symposium of Mexican Studies called "Between blue and good night" held in October 2014 at the Institute of Legal Sciences and the Institute of the Government of the BUAP Sciences. Researchers participated in this event as Victor Reynoso, Manuel Diaz Cid, Carlos Ramirez, Alberto Aziz Nassif, Juan José Rodríguez Prats and Jose Antonio Crespo, plus other good scholars, whose diagnoses were incorporated into the whole issue.

What happened to the PAN? National Action was transformed during the latter part of the twentieth century and change from original identity of Thomistic humanism to become a copy similar to the PRI. From the salinato until calderonismo, PAN development a marriage with the PRI that returned a ghost his old humanism. It is true that the same can be said of the experience he had the Party of the Democratic Revolution. And even more amazing, the PRI pedigree of the right and left has made pragmatic multiparty alliances meet in state and national level only to an exchange of brawls PRI in power. Mexican voting for the PRI or expriista, wherever it is to lose.

The need to survive in a democratic environment prompted the PAN to import of  PRI tables and the road ended assimilating their genetic information. Although National Action tried to hide his  callista roots for many decades, this ended up staying and coming up with full force when the PRI defectors began to arrive.

Economic, religious, political and electoral reforms and public safety; They are those that allowed the empowerment of the PAN like buddy of PRI since salinismo from today. Hence, as stated by Caesar Cansino (2014), National Action has the merit of having destroyed so supersonic Mexico compared to what made the PRI. When speaking of opacity, corruption, madness, repression and violation of human rights; the student surpassed the teacher.

After leaving the presidency of the republic, the PAN not returned to its origins; on the contrary, during the current administration it has created a diaspora of traditional PAN members that will remain wide until anoint their candidate for the presidency of the republic in 2018 to empty all their traditional and religious identity. Analysis such as this book are important because they give birth and prevent political naivete that, say people like Alvaro Obregon, is the worst social sin.

When expriistas boast local elections have generated alternations and no return to the past, the present document texts as evidence of their total lie. In Mexico today govern PRIs of all political parties and that, not you can call regime change and perhaps even transition.

Analysts agree with the idea of ​​Cansino stating that the damage done by the PAN to Mexico is immeasurable. They will be centuries of work and reflection to promote a real change in the country. The election results on Sunday, claiming the analysis of works like this. If the acclaimed "return PAN" its true, then is urgent see correctly that of the seven governorships observed four are left to expriistas (and then, the scene of Manlio Fabio Beltrones is true PRI 9 and PAN 3) is strictly observed, it is clear one thing : the only formal and party worthy of the name remains the Institutional Revolutionary party. In most of the states where elections were held, a large part of the candidates came from the PRI. By now, 17 years after the alternation of the presidency of the republic, the fact that the PRI remains the matrix from which most of the candidates running political parties is an embarrassment to the institutional capacity of same.

The call is more urgent attention to parties that try to be different from the PRI, How is it possible that in all these years have not trained the necessary leaders to posit a genuine platform and candidates? When the president Felipe Calderón declared that every Mexican is a PRI before proven otherwise, described the culture and level of politics in our country. Why it has failed democratic consolidation? Why the PRI did not die? Because they never left the power, because they spread everywhere and the opposition has never been able to do your own homework.

The fact that candidates mostly have a membership implies that the PRI regime change has not occurred; on the contrary, the suckerfish and bad habits remain. This is the reason that democracy generally of poor quality and, in turn, phenomena like clientelism, corporatism and the chiefdom are updated. A significant case is Puebla, whose alternation has been rejected in recent years by the Democratic Development Index. Puebla is in the level of Guerrero, Michoacan and Mexico State. If the country is prescribed "medicine Puebla" then it will be necessary to prepare for further indebtedness, poverty, corruption and authoritarianism You really someone thinks that Miguel Angel Yunes, José Rosas Aispuro, Carlos Joaquin Gonzalez and Tony Gali will no longer rule as PRI?

The political turncoat is a constant in Mexican elections at all levels. In fact, the worst is yet to come when all candidates are PRI members. That is, painted and scenarios, candidates from all parties in the country will be PRIs and expriistas. What will happen to the former members of the opposition-although it is with the PRI, is that many characters will leave for independent candidates. This is one of the safest ways, for example, Margarita Zavala who no longer has a place in the PAN.

It has been discussed to the end if each society has the government it deserves. In recent days disapproval of the president of the republic has reached unprecedented levels. The case of coexistence societies led the presidential figure to end background in the preferences of the right and extreme right to focus on the figure of Enrique Peña Nieto the most radical adjectives according to the manual Civita Catolica. What is surprising is that, despite such discontent with the PRI and political figures, people continue to support expriistas. And then we get angry when you notice that the behavior never changed. What was not obvious? It is not given, nor will, in most expriistas the phenomenon of historical rupture; On the contrary, their behavior persists in a restoration of the authoritarian PRI. In those states where there was political change but the figure proved a winning expriista, it can be seen that there has been no change, no increase in the level of democratic quality and even authoritarianism has risen even more.

When studying the party system in Mexico during the time of Hegemonic Party, it said the opposition parties were appendages of the PRI. The left and the right were the institutes more bother with this categorization given the militant history that everyone has. However, reality has come to deny this memorable past. They are not appendages of the PRI, are branches, agencies, and putative biological children, legitimate and illegitimate offspring.

More serious is that Mexican voters continue to support the PRI members of all political parties believing that someday will be the historical rupture. The PRI is inmorible, nor can it be destroyed from within, nor can it be changed and the PRI only win him the PRI (disguised as PAN, PRD or Morena). Or perhaps, the Mexican voter abstentionism still hoping that one day there real alternatives in Mexican politics.

If Rafael Moreno Valle, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Miguel Ángel Mancera manage to take the presidency of the republic to the group of Enrique Peña Nieto, the PRI is the symbolic representation of the alternation.

Daniel Cosio Villegas and Roderic Ai Camp -two notable political scientists specialists in the Mexican system took for granted that political parties exist in Mexico, our life is reduced to power factions, cliques, groups and elites, all PRI and almost no difference in handling corruption when in power.

In Mexico there is a perpetual crisis of political parties, it just happens that society does not know how to put aside the institute callista cardenista participation. The PRI remains the Sun in our galaxy and political culture. Other ideologies or political movements end up giving space or co-opted against their overwhelming pragmatism.

Mexico Will it change? Someday the PRI will be finalized? In the short term the answer is no. José Francisco Ruiz Massieu and Manuel Camacho Solis saw inmodificable the regime and only bet on the arrival of new politicians, increasingly pragmatic groups, but always play to change without rupture,ie no change to the political system.

At some point the PRI thought of approaching social democracy and the model of the Netherlands where there are dominant parties in a bizarro world are democratic and honest PRI. Now, when corruption afflicts society and the inability of the political group in power it is immeasurable, it is necessary to consider the democratic corporatist model. The chances of Mexico as a liberal democracy are slim; if not nonexistent. No alternation at any level of government; the PRI continues to win everything, whether tricolor, blue, yellow, green, pink, citizen and, now, even rainbow. Pablo Gonzalez Casanova has outlined the idea of ​​democratizing our corporatism for many years, it is a more logical view that belief considering the change via elections. Also, the Catholic Church -in before the Mexican Revolution moments he considered the creation of the National Catholic Party, which may have been one of the most important mass parties of Latin America.

Neither elections nor the parties constitute the path of political change in Mexico, before other groups armed struggle or foreign intervention arise, perhaps necessary return to the subject of corporatism and rewrite the history of the Mexican political system. Otherwise, the PRI elites and counterelites in PRI-isation process maintain a factionalism that increasingly deinstitutionalizes the country, impoverishes, steals and murders. If the effort and the lives of those who fought for democracy itself, then Mexico is lost and disappears is not valued. The return of the PRI nor the PAN bode well. And it is that the PRI always be the same. This is the real risk if the extreme right came to power in Mexico in the next presidential elections.

Cesar Cansino (2014) Mexico in ruins. PAN balances in power. Ed. BUAP-Juan Pablos. Mexico

Cesar Cansino and Germán Molina (2016) When Mexico finished to fuck it? The Legacy of the National Action Party. Ed. Mariel. Mexico

[1] The adjective was created by the independent candidate Ana Teresa Aranda referring to the PAN in the race for the governorship of Puebla

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Puebla. La democracia Autoritaria

Poder | Mayo 25, 2016
http://horizontal.mx/elecciones-2016-puebla-la-democracia-autoritaria/

Elecciones 2016: Puebla, la democracia autoritaria
Bajo la gubernatura de Rafael Moreno Valle, Puebla se convirtió en un estado menos democrático. Lo que está en juego en esta elección es la posibilidad de consolidar un cacicazgo que no se ve desde el siglo pasado.
Ernesto Aroche Aguilar | Elecciones 2016

En Puebla la alternancia es una serpiente que se muerde la cola. La elección de este 5 de junio es una ilusión de participación ciudadana y democracia, pues habrá que elegir entre el retorno de la revolución institucionalizada y sus formas de hacer política o la consolidación de una tecnocracia vestida de azul que nació en el seno tricolor y sabe “de corporativismo, de clientelismo y de una política modernizadora autoritaria”, como puntualiza el politólogo e historiador Diego Velázquez Caballero. Es decir, Puebla tendrá que elegir entre el PRI de toda la vida o el PRI autoritario con las siglas del PAN.

Es la misma historia que se vivió en 2010, con una salvedad: el grupo del gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle podría estar a punto de romper una regla no escrita que venía refrendándose desde hace décadas –“gobernador no pone gobernador”.

En cinco años y medio de gobierno, Moreno Valle ha cimentado una clase política pragmática que no responde a colores ni a ideologías, pues lo mismo tiene posiciones en el PAN, el PRD, el Panal o Movimiento Ciudadano que crea partidos estatales, con oídos sordos a la sociedad que gobierna, pues responde con cárcel a los opositores (más de doscientos presos políticos, de acuerdo con organizaciones no gubernamentales). Y, lejos de modificar las relaciones de poder y fortalecer la democracia, ha subyugado, cuando no eliminado, a los otros poderes y contrapesos.

A principios de mayo se dio a conocer que el estado de Puebla se ubicó, en 2015, en el lugar 31 del ranking del Índice de Desarrollo Democrático de México, solo por encima de Guerrero. Puebla cayó a esa posición desde 2013, pues en el reporte previo había ocupado la posición número 21. El informe explica que fue en dos de las cuatro dimensiones que se evalúan donde el estado estuvo peor calificado: la dimensión “que mide el respeto de los derechos políticos y las libertades civiles” y la que mide la “calidad institucional y eficiencia política”.

En el reporte se agrega: “Es el peor resultado en la serie histórica desde 2010 a la fecha. Si examinamos la tendencia, Puebla comenzó siendo una entidad con bajo desarrollo democrático, luego formó parte de las entidades con desarrollo democrático medio y a partir del IDD-Mex 2013 forma parte del conjunto de estados con mínimo desarrollo democrático.”

Bloqueo a los independientes
Si a nivel federal se vivieron dos sexenios azules antes del regreso del PRI, a nivel estatal no ha habido más que dos polos de atracción, que son, en realidad, el mismo: la continuidad, encarnada esta vez en el candidato oficial Antonio Gali Fayad, o el regreso del tricolor, de la mano de la senadora con licencia Blanca Alcalá Ruiz.

En un estado en que la izquierda controló la universidad pública durante los años setenta y ochenta, y donde Andrés Manuel López Obrador sumó uno de sus pocos triunfos estatales en la elección de 2012, no hubo una candidatura fuerte de izquierda que aglutinara el disenso político: ni Roxana Luna Porquillo (PRD) ni Abraham Quiroz (Morena) lograron consolidarse como esa opción.

Y Ana Teresa Aranda (independiente) –la única candidata que logró sortear a fuerza de amparos y juicios políticos (14 en total) los candados que puso el gobernador a través del Congreso del estado y del Instituto Estatal Electoral (IEE) para impedir que candidatos independientes aparecieran en las boletas electorales– tampoco logró ubicarse como una contrincante de peso.

De hecho, la reforma al Código de Instituciones y Procesos Electorales del Estado de Puebla (Coipeep) se aprobó en agosto pasado para cerrar las puertas a quien intentará buscar la candidatura fuera de un partido político. Para empezar, se fijó en tres por ciento del padrón electoral el porcentaje de firmas necesarias para obtener el registro –esto representa 127 mil firmas en el caso de elección de gobernador–, y no de la lista nominal, como se hizo en la mayoría de los estados. Y se otorgó un plazo de veinte días para obtenerlas. (En Nuevo León, por poner un ejemplo, Jaime Rodríguez el “Bronco” tuvo cincuenta días para conseguir el tres por ciento de las firmas del listado nominal de ese estado, es decir, 103 mil firmas.) A la par, se estableció como obligación que los ciudadanos que decidieran apoyar una candidatura independiente tendrían que acudir en persona a las oficinas del organismo electoral para entregar su firma–condición que no se pidió en ningún otro estado.

Los candados se tumbaron a través de los juicios de amparo que llegaron al Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, y uno de ellos tuvo que llegar hasta la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, lo que evitó que los ciudadanos tuvieran que acudir a las oficinas electorales para ratificar su apoyo.

Aunque la lucha jurídica emprendida por Ana Teresa Aranda –extitular del DIF federal en el sexenio de Vicente Fox, y quien pretendía no solo eliminar candados sino que se le reconociera su candidatura y se le entregaran los recursos de las prerrogativas– evidenció el uso que Moreno Valle hizo de las instituciones para impedir candidaturas incómodas, acaso solo consiga fragmentar el voto del panismo tradicional, de donde ella salió para enfrentar al “tirano”, como llamó a Moreno Valle durante el único debate entre los candidatos.

Te estoy escuchando
El pasado 18 de mayo el diario Reforma publicó en portada que en Puebla opera desde 2014 “un centro de espionaje telefónico que intercepta conversaciones de adversarios del gobierno del estado”. La información, explicaba la nota, llegó a través de una denuncia anónima que incluía documentos y 271 grabaciones ilegales.

Dos días después, en el noticiario Al Portador, se dieron a conocer algunas de esas conversaciones, que incluyen una de Margarita Zavala, esposa del expresidente Felipe Calderón y una de las fuertes aspirantes a la candidatura del PAN en el 2018. También fue posible escuchar conversaciones de Rosario Robles, hoy titular de la Secretaría de Desarrollo Agrario, Territorial y Urbano (SEDATU).

La historia no es nueva: se había publicado en los portales e-consulta y SinEmbargo –en una nota firmada por el periodista Fernando Maldonado– desde mediados del año pasado. En esas mismas fechas se conoció también la compra de equipo de espionaje a la empresa italiana Hacking Team por parte del gobierno poblano,y se documentó, gracias a la filtración de miles de correos de la compañía con funcionarios mexicanos, que el equipo se usó para escuchar a contrincantes políticos, incluso al interior del partido del gobernador.

El baile de la corrupción
Entre los aspirantes que encabezan la lucha electoral, la tónica de la campaña ha sido la de la mutua acusación de corrupción.

La declaración 3 de 3 de Blanca Alcalá, expresidenta de la comisión de cultura del Senado, la puso contra las cuerdas. En la documentación que subió a la plataforma electrónica la priista reconoció ser propietaria del 25% de las acciones de la empresa Nacozari Gasolinera SA de CV y del 50% de la constructora Estilos Constructivos Sustentables, S.A de C.V.

Días después algunos medios que han cuestionado repetidamente a la priista, como Milenio Puebla y Cambio, dieron a conocer que la constructora es propietaria de un complejo de departamentos ubicado en la ciudad de Puebla, valuado en 11 millones de pesos, propiedad que no fue incluida en el 3 de 3. Al mismo tiempo se publicó que la gasolinera recibió los permisos de instalación en el periodo en que Alcalá fue presidenta municipal de la capital poblana, en un claro caso de conflicto de interés.

La cercanía de la priista con Mario Marín Torres, el exgobernador poblano que concluyó su mandato con el mote del “Góber Precioso”, ha sido otro de los dardos que de manera recurrente le han lanzado sus contrincantes. Incluso Antonio Gali Fayad mostró en el debate una foto de Alcalá y Marín juntos durante el registro de la candidata.

La sombra del exgobernador ha sobrevolado la campaña tricolor, primero por error de cálculo político de los propios priistas, después impuesta por los estrategas azules para atemorizar al electorado. Marín es un fantasma que Moreno Valle saca a pasear en cada proceso electoral, pero al que nunca tocó jurídicamente.

En el caso de Antonio Gali Fayad, el hombre que saltó de la Secretaría de Infraestructura a la alcaldía poblana y de ahí a la candidatura, todo de la mano de Moreno Valle, las acusaciones que pesan en su contra tienen que ver con el patrimonio que acumuló en su paso por la administración pública, y sobre los vaivenes de su declaración patrimonial.

En 2010, cuando presentó su última declaración como funcionario federal, reconoció poseer una fortuna de 87 millones de pesos, de los cuales 46 millones correspondían a casas y terrenos. Entre estos se encontraba una casa ubicada dentro del club de golf La Vista, que, de acuerdo con los documentos, costó 15.7 millones de pesos, aunque desde la elección pasada se denunció que la casa valía al menos 70 millones de pesos. Para 2013, cuando se presentó como candidato a la alcaldía poblana, su riqueza había bajado a 77.4 millones de pesos, a pesar de que en los dos años que estuvo al frente de la Secretaría de Infraestructura percibió un salario anual de un poco más de un millón de pesos. En 2016, cuando finalmente presentó su declaración en la plataforma 3 de 3, el monto de su riqueza cayó a 21.3 millones de pesos (más cinco cuentas bancarias con montos superiores al medio millón de pesos, y una sexta con un monto entre 100 mil y 500 mil pesos).

Los señalamientos contra los candidatos han sido lanzados, principalmente, a través de la prensa y las redes sociales. El diario El Popular documentó al menos 15 páginas de internet y cuentas en Facebook dedicadas a publicar información que golpea a uno u otro polo político. Todo esto en una elección que definirá, en términos prácticos, a un gobierno de tan solo un año, ocho meses y doce días. Apenas nada para una administración que proponga y logre dejar huella.

Porque, además, quien sea que obtenga el triunfo el próximo 5 de junio deberá gobernar con un congreso dominado por el grupo de Moreno Valle; con una Fiscalía General cuyo titular, Víctor Carrancá Bourguet, fue colocado por el gobernador panista y, luego de la reforma al órgano de justicia, ratificado en el cargo por siete años más por diputados afines al grupo en el poder; con una Auditoría Superior del Estado a cargo de David Villanueva Lomelí –yerno del exgobernador Melquiades Morales Flores, a quien se le atribuye el impulso inicial a Moreno Valle, pues en su sexenio lo colocó como Secretario de Finanzas–, también alineada; con los organismos electoral, de derechos humanos y de transparencia controlados por personajes afines al aún mandatario poblano; con un Tribunal Electoral presidido por Adrián Rodríguez Perdomo, exfuncionario morenovallista que trabajó a las órdenes de Juan Pablo Piña Kurczyn –hijo del exgobernador Mariano Piña Olaya, priista de formación y hoy diputado federal por el PAN–, cuando aún despachaba como titular de la Secretaría de Servicios Legales y Defensoría Pública.

Para Diego Velázquez Caballero, doctor en Ciencia Política e Historia, lo que se juega en esta elección, más allá de los 612 días de gobierno, es la posibilidad de consolidar un cacicazgo que no se ve desde la década de los treinta del siglo pasado, cuando Maximino Ávila Camacho llegó al poder y mandó durante sexenios. Se trata, puntualiza, de un cacicazgo modernizador “muy semejante al de Maximino Ávila Camacho, pues, al igual que el militar revolucionario, Moreno Valle le cambió la cara a Puebla, y lo más seguro es que en 2018 esta situación aún permanezca, pues al parecer el PRI no consolidó un proyecto alternativo y más bien se plegó al morenovallismo”.

Pero lo que está en juego rebasa las fronteras del estado: el grupo que Moreno Valle ha construido a su alrededor tiene intereses más allá de Puebla. Hace unos días Ignacio Rodríguez Reyna, director de la revista Emeequis, publicó un amplio reportaje sobre los negocios de Omar Yunes, hijo de Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares, candidato de la coalición PAN-PRD al gobierno de Veracruz. En el texto se detalla la ruta política del veracruzano y su salto a las esferas nacionales en el sexenio de Ernesto Zedillo, de la mano del oaxaqueño Diódoro Carrasco Altamirano, cuando este ocupaba la Secretaría de Gobernación federal. Hoy Carrasco Altamirano lleva las riendas de la Secretaría General de Gobierno en el gobierno de Puebla y no ha dejado de mirar a Oaxaca a través de José Antonio Estefan Garfias, candidato de la coalición PRD-PAN y primo hermano, por cierto, del presidente del PRI en Puebla, Jorge Estefan Chidiac.

Pero, además, tanto Moreno Valle como Yunes Linares tuvieron como madrina política a Elba Esther Gordillo. Rodríguez Reyna cuenta que la llegada del veracruzano a la dirección del Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales para Trabajadores del Estado (Issste) ocurrió gracias al acuerdo entre Gordillo y Felipe Calderón. Lo mismo sucedió con la candidatura del poblano en 2010: la “maestra” operó para que el PAN le abriera la puerta gracias a sus acuerdos con el entonces presidente del país.

Así, en la elección poblana no solo se juega un asunto local y la permanencia en el poder de un grupo político. La red de alianzas que ha tejido a su alrededor Moreno Valle cruza la región del Golfo al Pacífico. Sus aspiraciones presidenciales, además, no han menguado por más que las encuestas lo pongan lejos de los punteros rumbo a 2018. Pero antes que 2018 está 2016.

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Does the Wall or War? The Mexican Dilema

Does the Wall or War? The Mexican dilema
By Diego Velázquez

Each time the lack of strategies by the Mexican government is more evident to determine a course of action if Donald Trump reaches the presidency of the United States. The omen of Republican victory has not been taken seriously and time is running out. Decisions of Mexico show the degree of disability that exists at management levels of public administration as well as the institutions responsible for safeguarding national sovereignty. The country's Foreign Service does not escape the corruption, nepotism and cronyism that distinguish our policy. Arthur Neville Chamberlain, at least, got a peace treaty signed on a napkin, the Mexican Embassy in the United States seems, above all, an Agency Tenancingo.
A successful campaign of Donald Trump will have high costs for Mexico, not seriously listen to the ideas that structure the discourse of neo-conservative populism can lead the country to unprecedented scenarios where problems complicate for lacking from now on a firm position and clear against U.S. Donald Trump has been insistent on the idea of ​​strengthening or rebuilding a wall; If Mexico refuses to pay the cost of the other alternative is war. Why these ideas are not taken seriously? Jorge Carrillo Olea has warned that this set of expressions constitute a severe risk to the national security of Mexico; more serious is the lack of foreign policy in our country.
Instead of paying by the Wall, Mexico should strive to obtain the license of construction. The Wall is not a bad idea if viewed from the historical condition that allowed the building of the Great Wall of China. It is, approximately measuring 20 thousand kilometers away, took more than 600 years to be built and occupied almost a million people in its work, it may even become an excellent measure to bring welfare to the ailing labor situation in Mexico . Taking into account material inputs, various sectors of the construction industry would benefit. Donald Trump has been a cost of 8000 million, about the state budget for a full six years. Build better anticipate and avoid the obligation to pay.
The wall would not serve to contain the phenomenon of drugs and migration, as has also served the sheet that was added several years in some areas of the northern border, migration and drug trafficking remain on the rise during the construction process ; but its implementation would improve relations between the US and Mexico as well as lying to the societies of both countries and to assume that their governments work. In politics ends and always negotiating the Wall is peccadilloes for the interests of both countries remain as always. The day that Mexican cartels suspend the flow of drugs to the nation of the bars and stars, then yes that gringos will face a huge national security problem, never have worried the health of their young, they just want power over the business.
The construction of the wall would be an opportunity for Mexico to regulate the way the modernization progresses. We are not modern liberal style but have a narcocaciquil modernity that increasingly involves more of a schizophrenic society civilizational conflict. With the modernization Wall madness addition to US interference in other aspects of daily life are also stop. In the future, if the fallacy of Wall convinces voters gringos, Mexico may stop caring about the imperialist geopolitics.
The other option, expect the war with the United States, seems unrealistic and yet, against the inability of the Mexican government, is the scenario that is more likely. Waiting military confrontation, it indicates the possibility that Mexico could become Iraq or Vietnam for America. The difference from previous wars is that there is now a huge Hispanic population in those territories which, eventually, will have to be redefined to determine the course of the conflagration. The fact is that now, unlike in the past, thanks to the population there emigrante- a remarkable geographical progress within US territory. The penetration of the US space leaves translucir that the conflict would be internal, such a conflict to the Civil War that almost succeeded in the absence of the Yankee Empire. Samuel Huntington was right when he saw in every Hispanic spearhead of mexicanidad claiming revenge. And the situation has been, is and will be. As the main cause of the American Civil War Is there a slave who does not want revenge? America has lost the war against Hispanidad. No more skirmishes as the Alamo or Columbus. Cities like New York, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, Atlanta and several dozen have a second Spanish side that is crouching in front of the WASP decline. The twentieth century was the US opportunity to regenerate his neighbor and violent offender, time passed and the Hispanidad advances as scrum. The American defeat, as they have assimilated their own neoconservative intellectuals, is cultural; but it is a capitulation without possibility of reversal. US would I act as did Russia in Ossetia, Chechnya and Crimea to protect your living space? Is the crisis of Enlightenment thought in the Anglo-Saxon culture shows the spread of modernity in Latin American institutions and values? Who is to blame for that within North America has more Latino drug cartels that terrorist groups? Are you ready United States to face an alliance between Muslim terrorism and Latin American drug trafficking within their own country? The likely Mexican-American conflagration as civil war, are the result of an infamous slavery and ambition.
A war between Mexico and the United States can generate a change in the global geopolitical correlation of power. The decline of the West shows that humanity can do without, as it has done, the enlightened thinking to cope with his life. George Friedman and Samuel Huntington have found a fortuitous relationship in the figure of Donald Trump. The Republican candidate has become a sincere globaphobic denouncing costs exclusive neoliberalism progress and public space and illustrated ethics.
United States and Mexico require a long break in their relationship. The more streamlined North America the problems of its southern neighbor, is spread most of its political perversion. The Mexican political class, under US protection, has only played mirreyes, ladies and Porkys, ie chiefs who go to college or narcojuniors. The lack of a national project for Mexico is a national security risk for North America and Western civilization project. If the United States continues to allow corruption, authoritarianism and drug trafficking abound in Mexico because that makes it easier to buy drugs, cheap labor and natural resources for economic growth, then, that support the coexistence of a monster that consent and legitimizing . In the early twentieth century when America was blackmailing Mexican governments with international recognition had an optimal relationship relative to the current excessively imitated where the Anglo-Saxon neoliberal model. Integration has been costly for the neighbor to the north and Mexico will continue, perhaps for several centuries with a civilizational gap whose responsibility lies in the elites and their role to monitor democratic processes and public policy.
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/05/25/dilema-mexicano-el-muro-o-la-guerra/

The modernization paradigm of Rafael Moreno Valle. Putin or Salinas?

The modernization paradigm of Rafael Moreno Valle. Putin or Salinas?
By Diego Velazquez
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/04/25/el-paradigma-modernizador-de-rmv-putin-o-salinas/


Federal elections last year in Puebla were considered a referendum on the state government. Contrary to what was expected, given the results, there was a change of course in public administration morenovallista and inspiration for the first national judiciary it remains at the head of the local executive. The elections for the minigubernatura tested this process and again, voters will accept or reject support personal style of governing that arrived in Puebla in 2010. However there is little incentive for the political struggle, the value of time not it is less to think if the entity was a historical rupture, a transitional regime change.

The morenovallistas political yearnings are linked to a modernization project that aims to alter forever Puebla. Public policies developed in this six years have catalysed government administration, federalism, economic structures, social movements, territory, natural resources and regional landscape. The infrastructure and mobility in major cities of the entity with adjectives Smart and Charter, megaprojects, the model Audi city, administrative centralization and integrators and integrated service centers are characteristic, more or less fundamental, of post-liberal government Puebla. Upstream, it still can not define the type of currency you want to drive in the state. We have had in Mexico different modernizing experiences that left their mark and served as an element of imitation in the local: the juarismo, the porfirismo, the callismo, Cardenismo and salinismo. The latest model is the path that most root in the country and even inserted the country into a civilizational conflict that has not been defined yet. What is the modernization that uses morenovallismo?

Puebla has had different modernization options: the avilacamachismo, the bartlismo and morenovallismo. The first are part of a vision of state capitalism that removed and erected chiefdoms and local empowerments. The last, still unclear.

Morenovallista modernization that is authoritarian, nor doubt. But what is their model, which is based stereotype to boost their public and dynamics of government policies. Moreno Valley has made a model of authoritarian modernization that while, at first maintained connections with the past to the point considered an neoavilacamachismo, the fact is that there are significant differences on social and political relations that are being generated. The morenovallismo has been linked to political and external economic groups to implement your project, you lack observe the consequences in the long term.

For the English philosopher John Gray nobody can escape from modernity, there is now a post-capitalist globalization of technology covering everything. Only, this expansion also generates identity restatements or cultural conflicts. What really is in crisis, beyond modernity, is faith in Enlightenment thought. Puebla which is modernizing rapidly due to megaprojects and centralizing policies have imagined, it also presents a huge crisis of Enlightenment thought. If the exhaustion of neoliberalism and how geopolitics is ongoing understood, Puebla follows guidelines of the postcapitalist forms If modernization is no longer accompanied by the Enlightenment and is valid postpone democracy, pluralism, freedom, equality and Justice; it is logical to see the resurgence of authoritarian Kemalists practices or modernizations of China, Russia, North Korea, Turkey and Iran can become as examples. A approximates those experiences what is happening in the country and in the state.

One case worth mentioning is the leadership shown by Vladimir Putin for more than a decade in Russia. The ailing post-Soviet country trying to faithfully follow the Western recommendations aside democratic and neoliberal obstinamiento for the consolidation of a new state, a new economy and a new regime. Russia is, again, an energy and nuclear superpower thanks to the authoritarian modernization of a leader who renewed the political, social and economic structures under a centralization inspired espionage, responsibility, nationalism, control of business, destruction the nomenklatura, an implacable justice and craves of historical significance. Vladimir Putin is elected Russia. The political party that represents it is a pragmatic alliance polipartidista including links with different sectors and a common program of action. The continuity of the project is not at risk because historical rupture is evident, there is no room for remora the old regime. Putin Russia has shielded against disaster.

Mexican modernity, as mentioned earlier, is salinista, axolotesca mousetrap. Arturo Rueda recalled that Puebla, and Mexico, lives a difficult step in that transition. CSG remember to hell the reasons for their failure, camachista vision of change without rupture. Salinas failed because it did not eliminate the PRI nomenklatura who then accused of the murder of Luis Donaldo Colosio, not controlled drug crime and corruption; On the contrary, privatization and destruction of the welfare state resulted in the enrichment of the salinista clique and sybaritic technocrat club after disowned him.

Between Putin and Salinas, the project morenovallista increasingly looks more like the latter and the successor candidate behaves like Colosio and Zedillo (also a militant PRI). The main problem of authoritarian modernity in Puebla is meaningless. The marinista and melquiadista nomenklatura enjoys full security and is inserted capriciously in government. Social indicators in Puebla are frightening. The level of impunity, corruption and femicide; alarming. Inefficiency and privilege of officials; demeaning. The stellar six-year project called City or City Audi Model focuses its benefits to Tlaxcala. Megaprojects were unable to generate an environmental governance and, on the other hand, generated an implosion of social movements that have unified the EZLN in 1994, as a large part of society against modernization. The only control is impossible police against a criminal police and prosecutorial agencies accomplices. Puebla is modern like Veracruz.


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¿Anti-Defamation League of Mexico or Mexican Committee Pro-invasion?
By Diego Velázquez

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/03/14/liga-antidifamacion-mexicana-o-comite-mexicano-proinvasion/

The theme of Hispanidad has been recurrent and of singular importance in the political agenda of the campaigns for the presidency of the United States. Donald Trump has lambasted Mexico from issues such as migration, drug trafficking, corruption and even war. His proposal to implement a border wall and the expulsion of Mexicans has shocked public opinion in both countries in the same proportion that increases the popularity of his presidential candidacy in the Republican Party.

Noam Chomsky has said that characters like Donald Trump arise when there is a decline and crisis, depression and social anomie, situations that persist in American society for decades. The end of the Cold War meant the end not only of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) but also the exhaustion of American leadership as a capitalist liberal democratic republic.

Since late last century, Samuel Huntington had expressed so now so vehemently supports the Tea Party GOP. The United States have an identity crisis that will affect all the West and most of humanity relies on the project of Modernity if he continues his march toward the cliff. Economic, intellectual, social, sports, family, moral and military capabilities of the United States has an unprecedented decline. The shock wave that caused collapse of the USSR also severely affected the United States.

Huntington believed that modernization exploited by other nations had generated an empowerment of non-Western societies begin to challenge the hegemony in the new multipolar world that presented itself. This has happened. The central states of non-Western civilizations took the modernizers elements to become serious competitors of American geopolitics. Huntington also considered that Mexican immigration, Hispanic challenge, posed a risk to reverse the Anglo decline. It's what Donald Trump has repeated strenuous way. What at one time it was a similar financial support for black slavery in centuries XVIII and XIX has now become an epidemic where the Latin invasion of North America is one of the strongest costs for the United States resurgence as a power. Some of the data contributed to understanding Huntington non-assimilation of Mexican immigrants have to do with the culture of poverty which is the main reason for Donald Trump to criticize Mexico:

Rudeness
The culture of illegality and informality
The violent attitude
The racism
The slothful and contemplative spirit

Huntington is afraid that Americans are guadalupanos. This goes beyond tacos and preference for bright colors. Not that the Mexicans are more dangerous than Al-Qaeda or Daesh simply the Mexican Republic is a monument to social anomie. So far that drug traffickers trying to use terrorism as technology begins to consider them dangerous. However, nothing worth taking seriously. Even though there are links between Muslim terrorists and Mexican drug traffickers, there is more risk for Islamic militants for Americans.

Widespread corruption, impunity and lack of education of a people as the Mexican has generated the rule of informality phenomenon means with euphemisms like World of Life, Social Capital, Folklore, Culture, Mexicanidad; but whose characteristic constitutes a huge risk to the western and modern thought. To tell Huntington, anti-Western civilizations redefine the Anglo-Saxon identity, including reaffirmed. However, the Mexican-Latin American is an enigma that confuses and upsets. Mexicanidad is the most hedonistic way for desmodernidad and civilizational schizophrenia. The decline of Western civilization can be accelerated if the hispanización of America continues.

Donald Trump is undoubtedly the best censor who has had the political project of PRIANRD. It is not wrong. Political and economic elites of Mexico have been conducted with a breathtaking irresponsibility and cynicism. What otherwise would behave Mexican migrants in the United States if they are the scum of capitalism friends? Our society continues to appreciate them how much they remember and the money they send. However, they played the patrimonialista and kiriárquica culture because they are only scheduled for that.

Claudio Lomnitz has proposed the formation of a Mexican Anti-Defamation League as have members of the Jewish community in several countries. However, the proposal is not equal. An immoral joke claims that Adolf Hitler killed millions of Jews because he did not know the Mexicans. And sometimes, the immorality of the claim becomes ironic, almost a bitter truth. Samuel Huntington compares Cuban immigration with Mexican tacitly says that ideally transform hispanización model "Los Angeles" by the model "Miami". The difference between Cubans and Mexicans is that the Cubans break with their country and political and social regime, achieve respectable levels of education and assimilate into American society. Mexicans, however, although his government expelled due to misery and patrimonialismo that produces kiriárquica domination, have a deep masochistic or estocólmico complex. It is very Mexican love who hurts us. Kiriárquicamente, who sodomized we worship. In Huntington's perspective, if Mexicans try to assimilate into Western modernity, they would have to do what the Cubans in Miami. Rather than create an Anti-Defamation League would be necessary to create a Proinvasión Committee of Mexico. Hold demonstrations and claims to force change to corrupt national government. The historic Cuban leader Jorge Mas Canosa is incomparable to any criticism that the "eminent" Mexicans (comedians and actors) in the United States can make to our country.

Lately, prigobierno advocates have established a comparison between Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Donald Trump. Characters like Trump are more important when it is observed that some of his invectives are real and sensible about what should be done in Mexico. His Mexican critics have created the stereotype of the "Messiah Trumpical"; however, they forget the differences between American and Mexican society. The Americans can not be manipulated with a black campaign like 2006 or are going to temper the resentment against Mexico only because in our country the "decent people" respectfully listened to Jorge Mario Bergoglio. The PRI refers nationalistic jingoism measures that tackle the grievance to the Motherland How serious is a break with the United States? For those who yearn for modernity in Mexico, the fact is mortal. It involves the cancellation of democracy, secularism, capitalism, equality, freedom and justice. But for those who want to return to Mexico to colonial times there is no better situation. They could turn the country into a big ranch full of narcocaciques and palenques where life is a permanent fair.

¿Donald Trump and AMLO are right in most of his ideas about Mexico? Claudio Lomnitz has been a student of Mexican Judeophobia and its persistence in the political, economic and social imaginary of the ruling class. What sense has an Anti-Defamation League as corrupt and authoritarian regime impoverishing as having Mexico? If this is true, we should think-then in the right of the Nazis, Muslim extremists, the Chinese Maoists, Stalinists and the KKK to not lose their dignity. Mexican migrants in the United States only have the ability to play the PRI culture. In different anthropological and sociological studies it evidenced that tiny economic empowerment and increase serves to return to their home communities or regions to become the new chief. In Puebla, for example, the PRI government of Mario Marín was held at its worst by the emigrant community in New York, Chicago, California and Texas. This can only be understood once the texts are read Oscar Lewis. Mexicans are the sons of bitches, Sanchez and Pedro Paramo. We can not behave otherwise because it is not yet in our nature.

Donald Trump is not only an anti-Mexican candidate, it is also an anti-establishment candidate. It is laudable in his speech the recognition that the US government has been doting and responsible for the Mexican situation. Electoral fraud, the scandalous corruption, drug trafficking, impoverishment and violence, are explained by the US counterpart. The situation, however, has reached a very dangerous moment. The PRI culture, mexicanidad, is contagious. If the Spanish model "Los Angeles" is widespread in the United States, the Anglo-Saxon and Western decadence is assured. Only assholes, marijuana smokers and poor can believe that the PRI will change the situation in Mexico. This is schizophrenic if we govern PRI members of all political parties. Donald Trump for the United States must contain the Hispanic emigration because if you do not, every time it is more like Mexico. It is more dangerous to America to learn the culture kiriárquica narcocaciquil the risk of Arab fundamentalism, aggressive Russian or Chinese dumping.

Although the regime of the Cuban revolution has developed significant changes in the social structure of the Caribbean island, Cuban immigrants in Miami have always insisted the military invasion of their nation. It is another model of hispanización and modernity which arises from this experience. Would it be logical that Cubans in Miami defend Fidel Castro? What is the sense of defending a system like Mexico? Would not it be more reasonable that Mexican migrants to call for an invasion of the republic and the destruction of a government that impoverishes and prostitutes, kill mercilessly youth, university students and women, negotiates the blood of the proletariat with a cheater and incompetent industry which it is saturated in a narco corruption and only legitimizes the unpresentable cassock Catholic pederast?

Donald Trump is not like Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. Trump is the Vicente Fox took the PRI Dinosaur in 2000 and can do it right now. Hopefully Trump President Fox not as president. Mexican regime does not like to describe it. Mexico remains Canoa, a Castle of Purity, a Church of Silence where it is forbidden to think and criticize. So when bizarre characters like Fox or Trump speak and tell the truth, they become unbearable. The institutional defense that has made Mexico is as ridiculous as that of Francisco Labastida in that memorable debate.

Mexican debt with modernity is a burden that will continue to pay a very high level and middle-class university in the country. The inability of the government and the main political parties to restore the failed Mexican democracy urge to take things seriously. Donald Trump only in geopolitics raises what is known, at least two decades. If Mexico and Latin America do not mature as a state and citizens, if they persist in not accepting Western civilization of which they are bastard children, the risk is to become the new enemy of the West, to be failed states that far from not care to no, it is necessary to isolate or remove to prevent infection. Rather than repudiating Donald Trump for his criticism toward Mexicans, it is necessary to applaud him and Samuel Huntington's approach changes the culture and public policy agenda in Mexico need. Also, if America agrees to the idiots republics or caciquiles kiriárquicas just because they are not communists, then, to assume the decay and disease that causes their coexistence.

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The Mexican Kyriarchy

By Diego Velázquez Columnas15 February, 2016
The Mexican Kyriarchy

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/02/15/el-kiriarcado-mexicano/


The concept used as the title of this column belongs to feminist political theory that describes the cross and multiplicative poliestructural capitalist patriarchy. Our country is constituted as a social system that multiplies oppression, domination and subordination violation at all. It is pertinent to observe the enigma of modern despotism that remains the true dinosaur Mexico and the main drag on the democratic modernization.

Beyond a focus on individuals, genders or constructs, the kiriarcado is a network of structural meanings where it is generated and plays a culture: the abuse. Notions like Mafia, Drug Cartel Country or Supplanted State, are spliced ​​to the above neologism and help to understand a routine character which inhibits the emergence of democracy and citizenship in countries like ours.

The visit of Mario Bergoglio has confirmed once again the failure of modern institutions and the triumph of the factual and invisible powers. The Holy See is the ambassador of Kyriarchy and terrorist fundamentalism that involves comprehensive intransigent Catholicism. Its products: extreme violence, corruption, drug trafficking, prostitution and worship of economic power. Is there any difference between ISIS and the Vatican?

A legend relates that the Cristero War Gen. Plutarco Elias Calles said. "If Mexico had democracy, the president would cassock." And, as a modus vivendi, the political class seeks to legitimize through agreements with the Catholic Church. Concordats and simony produced allow deinstitutionalization and the government of prevaricating informality. One might think that religious alienation prevents society react to combat this kind of domination; however, the people adopt the culture and played in their immediate environment. In opposition to the idea of ​​having César Cansino mexicanidad must demonstrate that the country is exceptionally corrupt, aggressive, murderer, rapist and criminal. The PRI culture is nothing but national culture where even a Augustine Basave aware of schizophrenia involving a Torn Country, modernization Failed ends succumbed to the gold calf. The kiriarcado no place for love, respect, peace, freedom and equality. A society fucking shit country deserves.

Clearly, the Mexican president wears a cassock. The image receiving the presidential couple makes Mario Bergoglio feeds this subjectivity not only because the Chief Executive have studied in one of the universities representative of the Mexican far right, but because the overlap between the clothing of the First Lady and the Bishop Rome forced to rethink the kiriarcado.

Feminist debates suggest that the gender perspective is beyond equality. If there is no point deconstruction of equity. One can not speak of liberation if modern women are men in skirts and women with mustaches. The break protocol which is manifested as a constant in the behavior of Angelica Rivera is an exclamation point for a type of feminism whose conviction is impostarse a phallus that allows them to defend themselves. Martha Sahagun or Carmen Romano also staged a historical influence. In both cases, despite the power that the people involved, none did anything to change the kiriarcado; rather they reproduced it in a larger dimension. It has happened something similar with different political persuasions, all parties have ruled under the aegis of PRI culture.

In a review that Victor Reynoso does the last book of Francis Fukuyama says the risk from not institutionalized country like Mexico. More than terrorism, the risk to global security are Failed States by the riots, rebellions, disease, corruption and migrations that may arise. This phenomenon is being felt in Europe and the United States. Xenophobic ideas of political parties in those countries are not beliefs or free animosities. Donald Trump may seem comical, but the political realism of Samuel Huntington and George Friedman should encourage Mexico to be taken more seriously as a state and Mexican citizens.

Ricardo Aleman quipped about the miracles that the Holy See began to be generated by the electoral redituabilidad its proximity implies. The left and the PRI legal liberalism have given to the simulation of modus vivendi with the Holy See and this greatly endangers the achievements of liberalism on human rights and the same legal order. Corruption of the secular state is nothing but the absence of the rule of law. Government, law and order can not be subjected to miracles. Although Mario Bergoglio boost, at full strength, consistency of the Gospel and the way of life, their admirable effort just shines through the futility of missionary ethics. The low resonance that your message has been within the Catholic Church itself to understanding what will happen in Mexico. Nothing. It is more likely to worsen the situation. In the Mexican film "Un Embrujo" There is a resemblance to the situation when the Gral. Lazaro Cardenas visit to the stevedores in the ports of the Caribbean and orders the best working conditions. When workers demand that the instructions of the President, a few days later, politicians cynically responds Cardenas has gone and nothing will change are met. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Mexico, as politicians, can simulate grief for the messages of the Pope, when he goes as has happened forever going to do nothing. They are connoisseurs of power, money and corruption. The Narcocaciquil Kyriarchy will not disappear with rosary beds.

Ungovernability that are generating the powers in Mexico needs to safeguard national security from abroad. It has started in Spain historical revisionism of its democratic transition given the finite nature has shown the party system. Critics arise against the characters who led the Moncloa Pact and took over at the time when the judges no longer existed and was necessary maturity and relevance. Critics question regarding the transitional arrangements Franco with the moderate socialists to turn the Iberian nation in a block to stop the geopolitics of communism. Hence moderation and relevance of Spanish politics lead to republishing a canovismo who disguised democracy a long period and allowed the country's economic growth as well as a subtle modernization. Critics say the Spanish transition to the currency were four military bases in North America as well as the persecution of communists and separatists. The romantic vision of the political process of democratic change that shaped the Spanish transition as a paradigm to support the pacts, theories of forgiveness and conservative behavior is severely damaged. Spanish democracy is the product of a military agreement between Francisco Franco and the United States.

Despite the negative view we have about it, it would be worthwhile to grant benefits to a similar process in latitudes like ours. It is indisputable geopolitical importance of a country like Mexico to the United States. Interventionism and constant surveillance in various stages of national history, prove that the Mexican condition may scare at any time by US giant. The risk posed by Communism and terrorism can be translated now that means the narco-state.

Maybe it's time to openly admit. O Mexico is set to develop atomic bombs and covenant with Muslims or North Korea-which sounds more ridiculous than impossible or open spaces are the Americans that, anyway, and taken. The first major US military base is the Navy of Mexico.

It is questionable to think that the US military bases in Spain were the mainstay of the transition; however, something they must have served. Colombia is the country with the largest number of American military bases and things have not improved. While it is recognizing that the deterioration has stopped. If the Mexican route follows paths Failed States, no American or Mexican effort to stop the carnage. While Donald Trump won the first American judiciary and strengthen the border fence, the proximity of a violent and problematic neighbor is a real risk to the national security of America. Military bases enable more timely drug regulation, money laundering, trafficking in women, the export of cheap labor, caring for minerals and natural resources. And above all, the actual control of the political and religious establishment of Mexico. Something that the Mexicans themselves find it impossible.

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End of Alliance? End of the Turncoat?

End of Alliance? End of the Turncoat?
By Diego Velázquez
January 27, 2016



http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/01/27/fin-de-las-alianzas-fin-del-transfuguismo/


Much of the political persuasions of Mexico, at the local level, involved the combination of two factors: transfuguismo and multiparty pragmatic alliances. The results of these experiences were disastrous. Alternating not mean political transition and, on the other hand, an increase in authoritarianism, corruption, government institutionalization, poverty and decline in political culture was generated. When the governor of Puebla says "history teaches us that when public outrage becomes political platform, the results are catastrophic"; he is right, the administration is headed by the strongest evidence. Cohabits in marinista mud, pact with chiefs of all colors and crafts, no previous corrupt administrations in jail, no transparency and certainty in the economic, political and social data. Puebla is one of the most buoyant autocracies remember the last days of modern Mexico. Change for change, Fox despite Fox, support only to get out the PRI, are expressions that show the high cost of supporting and voting for candidates who had a heart PRI different color shirt nonetheless. Without much away, the situation in Chiapas, Zacatecas, Guerrero, Michoacan and Tlaxcala, with a better position-, keep a singular parallelism.

The pragmatic learning that was generated in the PAN and PRD, has led them to lose identity, capacity for change and dynamism. Increasingly resemble more the PRI and recycling while militants continue this political institute wholesale, the road will not have different points of arrival.

Lately, however, different political persuasions based on this model have suffered attacks by both the criticism of citizenship as grievances and disagreements that alliance policy institutes own store and not allow them to successfully complete their marriage. Nuevo Leon is now the model that is presented as an option to the discrediting of the political class, parties and government. Are independent candidates a serious alternative? It does not seem. Doubt persists when few characters of civil society or social movements involved in the autonomous aspirations. It has not been screened, this innovative channel of political participation, the pragmatists and corrupt as ever, the wolves in sheep's clothing, beyond come from the PRI, may intervene under the guidance of the darkest secret interests that may to imagine. Few independent candidates that correspond to the feelings and desires of society tired of corrupt parties and despotic rulers, annoyed by what they do PRI of all political institutes.

It should be considered positive the fact that the traditional parties are exhausted the alliance stereotype. This will force them to rethink their identity, action program and militancy. Political pragmatism has high costs, and even if policy resembles the art of making sausage, the elites of the PAN and the PRD beyond the grotesque, Franz von Papen when he tried to justify his support for Adolf Hitler. The PRI virus has spread significantly in most of the parties; however, the period of discrepancies and gaps that warns, becomes an opportunity for political parties to return to differentiate the PRI.

In the short term it is likely that the PRI retain and expand their political power at the state and regional level. It represents the cost of the Alliance monsters. However, so is the need to return to the origin of the parties and seriously renew. Political parties are public interest entities in Mexico and affect the nation's future health. It will be a long time before allowing confront the mafia republic; but it is better to keep changing the color and make corruption the main institution of Mexicans.

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