The concept used as the title of this column belongs to feminist political theory that describes the cross and multiplicative poliestructural capitalist patriarchy. Our country is constituted as a social system that multiplies oppression, domination and subordination violation at all. It is pertinent to observe the enigma of modern despotism that remains the true dinosaur Mexico and the main drag on the democratic modernization.
Beyond a focus on individuals, genders or constructs, the kiriarcado is a network of structural meanings where it is generated and plays a culture: the abuse. Notions like Mafia, Drug Cartel Country or Supplanted State, are spliced to the above neologism and help to understand a routine character which inhibits the emergence of democracy and citizenship in countries like ours.
The visit of Mario Bergoglio has confirmed once again the failure of modern institutions and the triumph of the factual and invisible powers. The Holy See is the ambassador of Kyriarchy and terrorist fundamentalism that involves comprehensive intransigent Catholicism. Its products: extreme violence, corruption, drug trafficking, prostitution and worship of economic power. Is there any difference between ISIS and the Vatican?
A legend relates that the Cristero War Gen. Plutarco Elias Calles said. "If Mexico had democracy, the president would cassock." And, as a modus vivendi, the political class seeks to legitimize through agreements with the Catholic Church. Concordats and simony produced allow deinstitutionalization and the government of prevaricating informality. One might think that religious alienation prevents society react to combat this kind of domination; however, the people adopt the culture and played in their immediate environment. In opposition to the idea of having César Cansino mexicanidad must demonstrate that the country is exceptionally corrupt, aggressive, murderer, rapist and criminal. The PRI culture is nothing but national culture where even a Augustine Basave aware of schizophrenia involving a Torn Country, modernization Failed ends succumbed to the gold calf. The kiriarcado no place for love, respect, peace, freedom and equality. A society fucking shit country deserves.
Clearly, the Mexican president wears a cassock. The image receiving the presidential couple makes Mario Bergoglio feeds this subjectivity not only because the Chief Executive have studied in one of the universities representative of the Mexican far right, but because the overlap between the clothing of the First Lady and the Bishop Rome forced to rethink the kiriarcado.
Feminist debates suggest that the gender perspective is beyond equality. If there is no point deconstruction of equity. One can not speak of liberation if modern women are men in skirts and women with mustaches. The break protocol which is manifested as a constant in the behavior of Angelica Rivera is an exclamation point for a type of feminism whose conviction is impostarse a phallus that allows them to defend themselves. Martha Sahagun or Carmen Romano also staged a historical influence. In both cases, despite the power that the people involved, none did anything to change the kiriarcado; rather they reproduced it in a larger dimension. It has happened something similar with different political persuasions, all parties have ruled under the aegis of PRI culture.
In a review that Victor Reynoso does the last book of Francis Fukuyama says the risk from not institutionalized country like Mexico. More than terrorism, the risk to global security are Failed States by the riots, rebellions, disease, corruption and migrations that may arise. This phenomenon is being felt in Europe and the United States. Xenophobic ideas of political parties in those countries are not beliefs or free animosities. Donald Trump may seem comical, but the political realism of Samuel Huntington and George Friedman should encourage Mexico to be taken more seriously as a state and Mexican citizens.
Ricardo Aleman quipped about the miracles that the Holy See began to be generated by the electoral redituabilidad its proximity implies. The left and the PRI legal liberalism have given to the simulation of modus vivendi with the Holy See and this greatly endangers the achievements of liberalism on human rights and the same legal order. Corruption of the secular state is nothing but the absence of the rule of law. Government, law and order can not be subjected to miracles. Although Mario Bergoglio boost, at full strength, consistency of the Gospel and the way of life, their admirable effort just shines through the futility of missionary ethics. The low resonance that your message has been within the Catholic Church itself to understanding what will happen in Mexico. Nothing. It is more likely to worsen the situation. In the Mexican film "Un Embrujo" There is a resemblance to the situation when the Gral. Lazaro Cardenas visit to the stevedores in the ports of the Caribbean and orders the best working conditions. When workers demand that the instructions of the President, a few days later, politicians cynically responds Cardenas has gone and nothing will change are met. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Mexico, as politicians, can simulate grief for the messages of the Pope, when he goes as has happened forever going to do nothing. They are connoisseurs of power, money and corruption. The Narcocaciquil Kyriarchy will not disappear with rosary beds.
Ungovernability that are generating the powers in Mexico needs to safeguard national security from abroad. It has started in Spain historical revisionism of its democratic transition given the finite nature has shown the party system. Critics arise against the characters who led the Moncloa Pact and took over at the time when the judges no longer existed and was necessary maturity and relevance. Critics question regarding the transitional arrangements Franco with the moderate socialists to turn the Iberian nation in a block to stop the geopolitics of communism. Hence moderation and relevance of Spanish politics lead to republishing a canovismo who disguised democracy a long period and allowed the country's economic growth as well as a subtle modernization. Critics say the Spanish transition to the currency were four military bases in North America as well as the persecution of communists and separatists. The romantic vision of the political process of democratic change that shaped the Spanish transition as a paradigm to support the pacts, theories of forgiveness and conservative behavior is severely damaged. Spanish democracy is the product of a military agreement between Francisco Franco and the United States.
Despite the negative view we have about it, it would be worthwhile to grant benefits to a similar process in latitudes like ours. It is indisputable geopolitical importance of a country like Mexico to the United States. Interventionism and constant surveillance in various stages of national history, prove that the Mexican condition may scare at any time by US giant. The risk posed by Communism and terrorism can be translated now that means the narco-state.
Maybe it's time to openly admit. O Mexico is set to develop atomic bombs and covenant with Muslims or North Korea-which sounds more ridiculous than impossible or open spaces are the Americans that, anyway, and taken. The first major US military base is the Navy of Mexico.
It is questionable to think that the US military bases in Spain were the mainstay of the transition; however, something they must have served. Colombia is the country with the largest number of American military bases and things have not improved. While it is recognizing that the deterioration has stopped. If the Mexican route follows paths Failed States, no American or Mexican effort to stop the carnage. While Donald Trump won the first American judiciary and strengthen the border fence, the proximity of a violent and problematic neighbor is a real risk to the national security of America. Military bases enable more timely drug regulation, money laundering, trafficking in women, the export of cheap labor, caring for minerals and natural resources. And above all, the actual control of the political and religious establishment of Mexico. Something that the Mexicans themselves find it impossible.
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/02/15/el-kiriarcado-mexicano/#sthash.TGecSywX.2V4Sgivi.dpuf
Much of the political persuasions of Mexico, at the local level, involved the combination of two factors: transfuguismo and multiparty pragmatic alliances. The results of these experiences were disastrous. Alternating not mean political transition and, on the other hand, an increase in authoritarianism, corruption, government institutionalization, poverty and decline in political culture was generated. When the governor of Puebla says "history teaches us that when public outrage becomes political platform, the results are catastrophic"; he is right, the administration is headed by the strongest evidence. Cohabits in marinista mud, pact with chiefs of all colors and crafts, no previous corrupt administrations in jail, no transparency and certainty in the economic, political and social data. Puebla is one of the most buoyant autocracies remember the last days of modern Mexico. Change for change, Fox despite Fox, support only to get out the PRI, are expressions that show the high cost of supporting and voting for candidates who had a heart PRI different color shirt nonetheless. Without much away, the situation in Chiapas, Zacatecas, Guerrero, Michoacan and Tlaxcala, with a better position-, keep a singular parallelism.
The pragmatic learning that was generated in the PAN and PRD, has led them to lose identity, capacity for change and dynamism. Increasingly resemble more the PRI and recycling while militants continue this political institute wholesale, the road will not have different points of arrival.
Lately, however, different political persuasions based on this model have suffered attacks by both the criticism of citizenship as grievances and disagreements that alliance policy institutes own store and not allow them to successfully complete their marriage. Nuevo Leon is now the model that is presented as an option to the discrediting of the political class, parties and government. Are independent candidates a serious alternative? It does not seem. Doubt persists when few characters of civil society or social movements involved in the autonomous aspirations. It has not been screened, this innovative channel of political participation, the pragmatists and corrupt as ever, the wolves in sheep's clothing, beyond come from the PRI, may intervene under the guidance of the darkest secret interests that may to imagine. Few independent candidates that correspond to the feelings and desires of society tired of corrupt parties and despotic rulers, annoyed by what they do PRI of all political institutes.
It should be considered positive the fact that the traditional parties are exhausted the alliance stereotype. This will force them to rethink their identity, action program and militancy. Political pragmatism has high costs, and even if policy resembles the art of making sausage, the elites of the PAN and the PRD beyond the grotesque, Franz von Papen when he tried to justify his support for Adolf Hitler. The PRI virus has spread significantly in most of the parties; however, the period of discrepancies and gaps that warns, becomes an opportunity for political parties to return to differentiate the PRI.
In the short term it is likely that the PRI retain and expand their political power at the state and regional level. It represents the cost of the Alliance monsters. However, so is the need to return to the origin of the parties and seriously renew. Political parties are public interest entities in Mexico and affect the nation's future health. It will be a long time before allowing confront the mafia republic; but it is better to keep changing the color and make corruption the main institution of Mexicans.
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/01/27/fin-de-las-alianzas-fin-del-transfuguismo/#sthash.ZSliBWtJ.dpuf
A few weeks ago Ricardo Anaya confronted Lopez Obrador when he equated the political project of Margarita Zavala with the president Felipe Calderon. The accusation of misogyny and machismo that National Action launched against the leader of Morena had an effect on public opinion and it shows that the scarecrow strategy works.
AMLO machismo is not the reason for the debate. There is no doubt about the great difficulties that mexican women have to overcome daily to survive. We are one of the countries most at risk for the female gender. Significantly, however, are the main representatives of intransigent Catholic conservative who complete surprise at the discrimination allegedly ago Andres Manuel.
Although the strategy has been effective to position Zavala, the situation has gone unnoticed by those who represent the Mexican critical feminism. Certainly, Morena has lacked the political proposals to synchronize the country with gender perspectives that correspond to the liberal democratic world. But ignore the importance Margarita Zavala PAN presidential candidate is something that can not go unnoticed. Felipe Calderon's wife was the third contender for the presidential candidacy of National Action. Josefina Vazquez Mota accomplished that task in the last election and was Martha Sahagun who could not realize their project. Will Zavala success in 2018? In truth there is a difference between the political project of Zavala and Calderon?
The failed Mexican democracy requires greater participation and if Margarita Zavala obtained PAN presidential candidate, the fact is already a success in itself; the rest depends on the voters.
Unfortunately, Margarita Zavala has failed to establish what their political project and has never indicated any difference with the government of her husband Felipe Calderon Hinojosa. On the contrary, it has always expressed the full support and consideration of that style of government continues. The second PAN administration was one of the worst presidential administrations in the history of Mexico. The mood of confrontation and dirty war used during his campaign made unprecedented damage to the political culture of the country. Roger Bartra (2009) notes that the division of the country almost leads to civil war. It addition to this, the destruction of the institutions that the Federal Electoral Institute had, caused the bureaucratic effort and citizen gestated at least for a decade, is out in the trash. The 2006 elections had been canceled, saying Jose Antonio Crespo (2008), to restore the life and social values of the country. For the liberalist intellectual controversial Cesar Cansino (2012), PAN simply left the country in ruins.
The bloodlust and violence that characterized the federal government of that time can not be repeated. Some think that to maintain governance and growth in Mexico, it is necessary to kill half the population. Is idea can be tolerated; but allow it, is another thing. National Action is responsible for destroying the political intelligence apparatus and confront the Mexican army against its own people. The betrayal that the extreme right and President Calderon made against Gral. Thomas Angeles, demonstrates the validity of the pact between the National Catholic Party and Victoriano Huerta.
Ricardo Anaya and Yunque play the script just looking black 2006 campaign to find reasons for their existence. They want that scenario to show their xenophobia, filonazismo, intolerance and homophobia, as do the Catholic nationalists of Venezuela and Argentina that, lately, we illustrate the intemperate ability they possess. It seems that Vladimir Ledochowski is his true image consultant.
Ricardo Anaya tries to revive the spirit of polarization of that time without thinking of the consequences. His bellicose spirit proves to be a good reader Salvador Borrego, who can not control civil conflagration. Lopez Obrador becomes your ideal target because Anaya political science lacks the minimum ability to understand that when Carlos Salinas de Gortari changed Article 130 of the Constitution a concordat which has produced a confessional state where the conservative coalition representing policy has been implemented major benefits. Probably he was a child when it happened; but is childish at this point has not been aware of the fact Does he know who the Cardinal Juan Jesus Posadas?
The XVIII National Assembly of PAN hinted a party without ideas. Back to calderonismo sample is regressive and reactionary attitude that starts again campear in their leaders. The recent intervention in the PAN Felipe Calderon, shows that in this political institution no awareness of perspective but recoil.
There are more important problems for the country that Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. His proposal has no place in the Mexican political spectrum for the simple reason geopolitics. Morena to reach the presidency of the republic the wall of Donald Trump should already exist; or, a tectonic fault that will place the country on the Pacific end.
Margarita Zavala represents calderonismo as it has never expressed any disagreement with it. But even worse, also it represents those conspiratorial structures of the Mexican far right that, since the days of the "U" have organized structures numerary, supernumerary operatives and to sustain the power of the Black International in Mexico. Maria Concepcion Acevedo and Llata evident in its historical records, the way the far right recruited women to safeguard the interests of the oligarchies and bureaucracies Catholic and to commit terrorist acts against the Mexican State. Rodolfo Montes (2011), on the other hand, evidence upgrading reserved and secret societies in the theology of prosperity neopentecostal. The involvement of the presidential couple with the religious organization "House on the Rock" left a toll of creating religious parties like the Humanist and Social Hope, in addition to significant damage to the national budget to finance these movements. Zavala and Calderon want to renew the PAN in the best style of the South American Catholic nationalism (MIRA, ALAS, FASTA, FONAPO, etc.).
Mexican far right is confronted with Lopez Obrador to polarize the country regardless of the consequences that this will have, and the sacrifice of men and women to occupy. Mario Bergoglio's visit to Mexico will ultimately empower these organizations that now coexist with the Atlacomulco Group and technocrats. Lose the whole society, the middle class and precariato that increasingly are the total dispossession by an economic model and abusive state law.
Felipe Calderon Hinojosa is the real danger to Mexico Margarita Zavala requires differentiated and distinguished from it to build its own alternative. Felipe Calderon has become, in literary words of García Márquez, in a perfect husband for Margarita. There is hope, however, that the numeraries and supernumeraries operatives who are in the Joan of Arc Navy encourage independence. Margarita Acevedo and Maria Concepcion Llata and as Josefina Vazquez Mota and Marta Sahagun, will be used for the sacred masculine domain.
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2015/12/04/margarita-zavala-y-la-conspiracion-de-eva/#sthash.XSnkEYou.dpuf
Juan Carlos Flores Solís estaba afuera del edificio de la Comisión Estatal de Derechos Humanos de Puebla el 7 de abril de 2014. Acababa de interponer una queja por la detención, un día antes, de la señora Enedina Rosas Vélez, comisaria ejidal de San Felipe Xonacayucan, en Atlixco, quien como él se oponía al paso del Gasoducto Morelos por zona de alto riesgo volcánico. Ya en la calle, Juan Carlos fue detenido por 12 hombres vestidos de civil que viajaban en cuatro automóviles sin placas, y llevado a la Procuraduría General de Justicia.
Al gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle no le importó ir contra una señora mayor de 60 años, y mucho menos contra un activista con voz a nivel nacional, tampoco revelarlo a plena luz, justo en la puerta del organismo poblano que se supone debería defender los Derechos Humanos.
Ante la pregunta de si hay alguien con quien Moreno Valle no se meta, el politólogo y analista de la Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla, Juan Luis Hernández, no duda y afirma que, a la fecha, no se aprecia algún actor que esté haciendo oposición al gobierno y que no haya sido tocado, quienes se han atrevido se enfrentan al aparato represor del gobernante.
En palabras de Hernández, la represión local es generalizada y se aplica tanto a los grupos antiguos como a los movimientos sociales nuevos, que critican medidas y políticas “no consensuadas” impuestas a costa de lo que sea. Y esto abarca a cualquier tipo de oposición, ya sea ciudadana, partidaria o legislativa.
Diego Velázquez, politólogo y académico de la Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (Buap) coincide con Hernández en que el gobernador no está reprimiendo específicamente a algún grupo; es decir que no hay una estrategia contra grupos más antiguos –que además no tienen la mejor reputación en la sociedad–, como son los casos específicos de la Unión Popular de Vendedores Ambulantes 28 de octubre (Upva) y los concesionarios del transporte público de Agua Azul – Mayorazgo.
La concesión de la ruta Agua Azul – Mayorazgo recientemente fue cancelada para la instalación de la Red Urbana de Transporte Articulado (RUTA), o metrobús. Aunque no era la ruta que tenía más quejas, es de conocimiento popular que su servicio era muy malo (tan malo como el del sistema de transporte poblano en general). El pasado lunes 5 de enero el gobierno de Rafael Moreno Valle retiró las unidades de las rutas Mayorazgo y Galgos del Sur que recorren la 11 norte-sur bajo el argumento de que presentaban diversas irregularidades, aunque recientemente obtuvieron el reemplacamiento por la propia administración estatal.
Puebla tiene uno de los principales padrones panistas que más han aumentado, el crecimiento ha sido exorbitante, pero sigue siendo un corporativismo. Algunos de los candidatos a diputados del PAN siguen usando el estilo priista de la despensa, el acarreo, el voto, y las encuestas los están favoreciendo. No cambia en nada la política
La 28 de octubre es una organización que reúne principalmente a comerciantes informales y a taxistas, nacida en 1973, conocida en la entidad por su capacidad de movilización. A lo largo de su existencia, “la 28” ha sido señalada porque la agresión de sus miembros y por provocar disturbios. Desde finales del año pasa la Upva apoyó varias manifestaciones en contra de las políticas de Moreno Valle –como la reforma a la Ley Orgánica Municipal– y su líder moral, Rubén Sarabia “Simitrio” fue encarcelado. La madrugada del 13 de abril fueron retiradas 20 estructuras y 2 casetas de los vendedores ambulantes en varios puntos de la ciudad, y en abril fueron detenidos 18 taxis, también parte de la Upva, cerca del mercado Hidalgo, que fueron asegurados y retirados de circulación.
Al respecto, Hernández opina que no es que exista una escalada de represión particular contra estas agrupaciones, sino que ha sido parte del contexto y de la coyuntura de tener posiciones contrarias al gobierno del estado en ciertos temas.
-¿Por qué cree o considera que es particular la situación de la 28, del gobernador contra la organización?
–Yo básicamente lo entendería a partir de una resistencia muy puntual, digamos que hubo un encontronazo de intereses y que no se pusieron de acuerdo. Desde mi punto de vista esa puede ser una de las explicaciones (…). Yo pienso que particularmente de todas las represiones, esta es la represión que de alguna manera se dirige frente a un sector poco defendible, porque finalmente estos pulpos camioneros fueron derivados de la época de (el ex gobernador priista Mario) Marín y de más para atrás, evidentemente, entonces, pero eso no justifica el acto represivo en sí.
Hernández agrega que el modus operandi de Moreno Valle consiste en mandar a la cárcel a los líderes de cualquier movimiento opositor. Ya después se ve si hay legalidad o no, si hay delitos que perseguir o no, pero mientras tanto la lucha social se encauza hacia la libertad de los presos políticos y se siembra el miedo de correr con la misma suerte entre el resto de los opositores.
Tomada de e-consulta.com
–Ese ínter (de la cárcel) sirvió para desmovilizar: desmovilizar a los líderes, girar órdenes de aprehensión, tenerlos en la cárcel un tiempo, mientras que se suceden los procesos jurídicos, y naturalmente si no hay delito que perseguir, normalmente los procesos judiciales lo dirán, seis meses después por lo menos.
Pareciera que el uso de la justicia en este gobierno es selectivo y que funciona sólo contra algunos. Ambos politólogos coinciden también en que el Poder Judicial local (así como el Legislativo) vive bajo una sujeción total al Ejecutivo. En palabras de Hernández, la justicia está “capturada” por el gobernador. Velázquez dice que el morenovallismo –al que describe como un neoavilacamachismo, un sistema de total control y represión constante– utiliza “las tres E’s” contra todo aquel que esté en desacuerdo con sus proyectos: extorsión, exilio y exterminio. “O estás conmigo o estás contra mí: es el nuevo sistema político.”
Juan Luis Hernández dice que la 28 de octubre y los transportistas –particularmente los segundos– pertenecen a los viejos esquemas priístas, a un sistema anterior a Moreno Valle con el cual parece querer acabar a través de su política de modernización represiva. Pero no puede modernizar por completo si no logra que el sistema que está mutando cumpla con las necesidades de la sociedad.
–No es que la gente esté enamorada del viejo régimen, pero esta transición a la modernidad forzada no se está resolviendo adecuadamente –dice Velázquez.
Hay sectores sociales en México que están pidiendo orden frente al caos, orden frente a las marchas, orden frente a las movilizaciones, orden frente a la toma de casetas, orden frente a este tipo de grupos.
Si la RUTA no satisface ni cumple con las necesidades de transporte de los ciudadanos, y si los precios del comercio formal siguen siendo poco accesibles para un gran sector de la población, explica el académico de la Buap, los poblanos continuarán inconformes, porque bien o mal les funcionaba ese sistema.
El orden y el control
El especialista de la Ibero cree que esta política represiva y de control puede favorecer al mandatario estatal. Mediante estas acciones de represión prácticamente inmediata contra cualquier agrupación (nueva, vieja, que tenga la simpatía de la ciudadanía o que sea cuestionada por la opinión pública), el gobernador está mandando un mensaje.
–Yo creo que RMV está tratando de decir al resto de la sociedad que no es admisible lo que está pasando en Oaxaca, por ejemplo, con respecto a la Sección 22, o con respecto a la movilización de ciertos grupos sociales, y que él tiene la capacidad y que él tiene la visión para poder poner un México en orden frente a la movilización, el caos, los rebeldes, etc.
Hernández cree que la filosofía del morenovallismo es que la represión es importante para mantener el orden, idea con la que comulgan ciertos sectores de la sociedad mexicana.
–Hay sectores sociales en México que están pidiendo orden frente al caos, orden frente a las marchas, orden frente a las movilizaciones, orden frente a la toma de casetas, orden frente a este tipo de grupos. Entonces claro, hay un momento donde también la sociedad se harta de algún tipo de movilizaciones sociales y Moreno Valle parece responder a este modelo.
Si las aspiraciones presidenciales de Rafael Moreno Valle se cumplen, el futuro no pinta bien para Puebla, pues lo más probable, dice Diego Velázquez, es que continúe alguien de su mismo esquema y que estas políticas represivas y totalitarias continúen. Para el especialista, el gobernador poblano ha hecho del PAN en la entidad “el nuevo PRI”, o sea, el nuevo partido hegemónico, reproduciendo prácticas de control e impunidad del antiguo régimen del priato, particularmente como el ex presidente Carlos Salinas de Gortari.
–El partido hegemónico, el nuevo PRI, va a ser el PAN. Puebla tiene uno de los principales padrones panistas que más han aumentado, el crecimiento ha sido exorbitante, pero sigue siendo un corporativismo. Algunos de los candidatos a diputados del PAN siguen usando el estilo priista de la despensa, el acarreo, el voto, y las encuestas los están favoreciendo. No cambia en nada la política.
Hernández coincide que lo que pasa a nivel nacional pasa en Puebla. “Digamos que en México estamos viviendo este gran problema de que los gobiernos panistas o perredistas lo son formalmente pero en realidad utilizan prácticas gubernamentales o prácticas represivas propias de lo que se conoce como Priato, que es digamos la hegemonía del PRI de 70 años que le dio marca a un tipo de régimen, un tipo de régimen que es básicamente autoritario.”
Pero si el proyecto presidencial de Moreno Valle fracasa, el panorama tampoco parece ser tan alentador. El maestro Velázquez considera que de entrar un régimen diferente al Ejecutivo estatal, entonces se evidenciaría la ausencia de autonomía de los Poderes, y Puebla entraría a una crisis institucional y de ingobernabilidad equiparable a la crisis socioeconómica del sexenio de Ernesto Zedillo, después del fracaso del salinismo. Pase lo que pase, pareciera que le esperan tiempos oscuros al estado.
A few days ago there was talk of a clash of national projects in our country. Multiculturalism that distinguishes Mexico is not the only condition for more responsible government officials assert, to folly, there is only one Mexico. Structural, regional reality, language and racial, tells us that there are many nations and suddenly oppose each other. The Mexico of the North, Center and South, for example, are just the first signs of a conflict that appears constant and evidence that the nation is just a pipe dream.
With political and economic projects it happens something similar. For the factions and cliques there is a different Mexico. A few days ago, following the article "The Two Mexicos" which was published in the American newspaper The Economist, an analyst stated that such differentiation evident in the country's fight between Mexico Cardenas and Miguel Aleman. The first signficaba as the country's social project, and reconciling the corporatist structures of town and country; but also responsible for the underdevelopment of paternalism. The Aleman warned as the modernizer, the developer, civilization and university, in short, the history of neoliberal and technocratic project. If the country aspires to modernity and development, then, it is necessary to choose the political project of the alemanista descent in the State.
The issue is more complicated. These models are not completely distinguish the only policy options. There, in each, features that should be mentioned to observe in more detail the proposal. The Cardenas Mexico is also the sacred presidentialism and Mexico Aleman is legitimizing corruption as lifestyle of the political class.
If you do it contrasts in national projects, it is necessary to draw a comparison between projects that marked one of the most significant breaks: Plutarco Elias Calles and Lazaro Cardenas. Both projects are modernizing and configure the Mexican presidency radically. However, while the administration pedicure can see a project that promoted a radical political nationalism and state supremacy at any cost. The Cardenas model, based on a corporatist and social policy, cohered the country by setting up a match delayed hegemonic mass democracy and political participation of the middle classes.
The General Plutarco Elias Calles tried to enforce the Mexican constitution without qualms and, indeed, had to pay very high application of certain legal provisions. So high was the price of the project had to yield to US interventionism and abandoning the idea of a secular, industrialized and semiagrícola Mexico. Maximato configuration Streets rise to the figure of the autocrat, and one of the internal factions of his group would set a different political project that decided to make a legitimating structure of paternalism in the future of the Mexican political system.
In the end, it should be considered Calles and Cardenas are the characters that represent the poles of the most serious options of regime that keeps our society towards modernization: order and paternalism. Of course, both in the authoritarian axis.
The callismo and cardenismo, inserted in the Official Party over time as the pendulum of succession and interaction, incorporated a growth path which rose to the poor and the quality of caste citizens. The dominant party would dress liberal, nationalist, conservative, populist neoliberal and perhaps to PAN. It was the chameleon of political ideologies. Revolutionary nationalism democracy inhibited several decades; however, it isolated the country from the catastrophic effects of the market, institutional design and political confrontation of the many Mexicos.
The moment of economic openness showed how the model was exhausted. Political liberalization has put the country on the path of the risks of Latin American presidentialism, to say Juan Linz, and the political class does not seem to understand the risks of democratic chaos.
Plutarco Elias Calles set his government based on the submission of party factions and supporters of the extermination of political dissent. He ruled with military force and when the Cristero rebels almost defeated, only outside support its institutions remained standing. It was this kind of gravities that allowed build the National Revolutionary Party. Gen. Lazaro Cardenas came to power riding on the structure of the newly created official match; however, his political break led him to govern with decrees and exceptional mechanisms to set up a regime that would safeguard the order of the country at the expense even of State institutions. Military violence, political decrees, populism and electoral fraud built roads authoritarian governance in Mexico's PRI.
And things do not seem to have changed much after the alternation of the Presidency of the Republic. In fact, in a kind of eternal return, it seems that the country is heading, again, the prospect of a Calles or attempting to make government Cardenas. The point is that democracy has taken root in Mexican society and the international context observed unpunished violence that has come to conduct the state.
Pragmatic alliance multiparty requested in the context of the presidential succession Mexico placed in the path of Salvador Allende and Francisco I. Madero, rather than on the historical experiences of Plutarco Elias Calles and Lazaro Cardenas. Not the same control dozens of deputies and mayors, locally, to bear the increased capacity for influence and blackmail acquire small parties and pragmatic factions nationwide. An example of the failure of this model for the governance of the country is the Pact for Mexico.
Political processes have just experienced some Latin American nations like Guatemala and Argentina demonstrate the weakness of electoral coalitions in government. The newly elected President Jimmy Morales will have less than twenty deputies in Congress and there is little hope that other partisan allies maintain their support. Salvador Allende and Francisco I. Madero arrived driven by a plurality of parties that abandoned the principle of disagreements. Presidentialism in a democratic and highly fragmented partisan context becomes inoperative, conflict and failed, to say Juan Linz.
The model of pragmatic alliances put into a situation of ungovernability severe the mexican presidentialism, as that been felt since divided governments were inaugurated. The spacious and large coalitions of parties are not enough structures to withstand the crisis and problems that occur in a presidential system of emerging democracy and an unequal social structure.
Mexico's social problems accrue pressure on the presidential institution and, if not addressed, will continue in the attempted extra-settlement mechanisms of government paralysis. The Army no longer has the ability to stronger US violence and not send another Dwight Morrow. The complicated scenarios painted Juan Linz and the dangers of presidentialism increasingly they seem to make sense. Maximum use of state capacity to maintain governance and party control, was exceedingly weaken the presidency of the republic. As it has been the case since the previous presidential administration: Felipe Calderon wanted to emulate Plutarco Elias Calles and institutional attrition was impressive. Enrique Peña Nieto wants to retrain Miguel German but in reality, this project never existed.
Political reform in Mexico must generate collaborative arrangements between parties and branches of government. The panorama of the Mexican presidency has been complicated and pragmatic alliances polipartidistas contribute to the problem. Urge raise the appointment of a Head of Government and the likely removal thereof, the dissolution of the Federal Congress and a new system of proportional representation in most districts.
Consider that model of pragmatic alliance can support a President forced to imagine a style of government like Maximino Avila Camacho, Alvaro Obregon, Porfirio Diaz and perhaps Francisco Franco.
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The government of Carlos Salinas de Gortari try to build a participatory local government to legitimize the end of the welfare state in Mexico. During his presidency there was a redesign of the public administration and social policy based on municipalities. Salinas, like Lazaro Cardenas, down the executive cenacle level to playing field and accompany their neoliberal populist leadership from regional bases.
His doctoral thesis, inspired by the political and economic utilitarianism, stated that the direct financing of the municipalities allow the development of citizenship and democracy, as well as growth. The National Solidarity Program was thus the most rational public policy coherence built until then.
In the distance, one can see that the effects of multiple supports local governments have been a real tragedy. Administrative decentralization spread to the municipalities, communities and municipalities. The capital has been becoming fragmented municipal telenovela (Mauricio Merino) in a real drama. Thousands of Iguala and Ajalpan are governed by"Vargas" style enhanced with public resources. The Mexican daily disproves the hypothesis of Carlos Salinas, the City is the largest institution failed, seized the chieftainship, inefficiency and corruption. In rural areas especially, there are no citizens, no Democrats, no development; new circumstances have multiplied vassals, courtiers and poor.
A contradiction of what I thought the main representative of technocracy in Mexico, the municipal government extended the decomposition seeking combat, that is, has served as an economic platform and positioning the powers to attach to the Mexican State. Almost no mayor has responded by property damage to the observations of the supervisory bodies, What good is knowing the economic data workimg with effort and accounting care if it's a matter of minutes for the legislative factions and state governments made the conspiracy blind from the same?
Ajalpan matches and are the product of a dystopian Federalism making the municipality a decentralized entity, allied and subject to partisan politics of the belly. In the past, the informal rules of the hegemonic party capital and imposed a fragile stability not exterminated Dona Barbara and Pedro Paramo but limited; now they found everywhere and with multiple financial support to continue their political careers. The City is the preferred site as a springboard and transformismo.
Guerrero and Puebla are examples of feuderalismo causing ungovernability. Iguala and Ajalpan have a structural similarity that can be extended to most of the municipalities in both entities, mayors and state government allies separated from their communities, councilors meanings as administrative managers, corrupt and inefficient bureaucracies and municipalities abandoned the criterion of powers. Wild anomie has developed a fatal form; until now it becomes undeniable. Both states are the lowest in the Democratic Development Index 2014 of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation.
German Perez Fernandez del Castillo and Enrique Cabrero Mendoza have insisted throughout his academic work on the modernization adequate capital and institutional speed. Promote policies that generate discomfort following a physical impulse; ie returned. Social movements, drug trafficking, lynchings, civil disobedience, etc., are due to action of absolutely incompetent and corrupt political class. The government of Guerrero is the clearest example and Puebla is dangerously close to the same category.
It is necessary to reconsider the municipal legal framework, adapted to a divergent reality of social and ethnic groups, boosting public and private centers Municipal Studies, attend local councils trained personnel and strictly observe bureaucratic public finances. The neglect of economic resources in the municipalities is the main device that strengthens chiefdoms. There are municipalities that have been deprived of family heritage for decades and state governments not only traded with the same, but, lately, the other political levels encyst increasing ungovernability. Will Pansters is not wrong to say that the real dinosaur Mexico is the Cacique; not the PRI. The Cacique has survived the transition to democracy, wears a tie, iphones, helicopters, attends Harvard University, even accredits academic programs and has a high command of English; but he, or she, will never be modern.
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During the nineties of the last century, one of the leading critics of accelerated modernization Mexican was Colombian President Cesar Gaviria. When approaching the texts and ideas of South American political, it could come to consider that there was someone else happy with the Aztec misfortune. A vague memory of that time refers to the metaphor of Guajolota employing Gaviria to question the condition of the country. The example shows the difficulty that this endemic species of our region to sleep in trees or branches. Generally, when is too fattening turkeys fall from the trees if they try to climb them; although your instinct and go up above the chickens to reach somewhere in the woods, always they subside. Being a bird of greater weight and size, complete stumbling and falling, turning the scandal of the other flying and having to sleep under them in the appropriate circumstances. This happened to Mexico with the neoliberal march say César Gaviria; in the end, the Mexican Guajolota ended on the floor being mockery and crapper Latin American chickens.
The conflict that has occurred in Volkswagen can serve for comparison of Puebla with Neoliberal Guajolota. The crisis of the German automaker significantly harm the local economy in a time that seems long. Since the company was set up in the state, accompanying pains and pleasures became common. Thousands of workers, over the years, hand made family life and strength to deliver growth and brand development as well as the state. The correspondence was little; but there. The company came to Puebla brought ordoliberalism ideas and austerity that allowed Konrad Adenauer boost postwar West Germany. The lure of Mexican modernization did forget these principles and the perspective of the quality-competition began generating exploitation, abuse, conspiracy and capitalism by dispossession which characterizes the project of the local political class. Volkswagen confused rules with flexible labor market flexibility. The fact that most of Puebla governments have allowed and legitimized their abuse does not imply equivalence in the first world. Volkswagen will also came up with the turkeys: their processed products so underdeveloped not be admitted in post-industrial societies.
Salinas's time to date, no Mexican government raised any complaint against the flood of junk cars coming from the US market. Millions of trucks, cars, etc., were legalized regardless of their levels of pollution, risk and property. It was an export to the United States benefited and harmed the trading of the domestic auto industry. The act continues and Mexico remains the dustbin of Americans. But what America does with foreign countries do not consent to their own territory. Hopefully the lesson to stop confusing collaboration with appeasement is learned.
Puebla could become a city full of automotive unemployment like Detroit (USA) and nobody does anything sensible. The project of the "cell" that the previous state government made it, was criticized too much; however, it is not about to happen the same with "Audi City"? The model city due to accelerated modernization and irresponsible, without having persecuted, is about to pay his arrogance. In the San José Chiapa, and Grajales Nopalucan one overwhelming project that eliminated municipal institutions, collective actors, capital, natural resources, etc. are implemented All events in the best German tradition often called "Holocaust."
The Audi project has benefited little that region and Puebla. The recent international externality comes to confirm. Arguably the opposite of Tlaxcala; state where they think they have not had a better governor and who now lives in the hills of Loreto and Guadalupe. Tlaxcala has seen buoyant growth in its economy after hundreds of Puebla emplacar have come here for their cars, licensing procedures and make government impossible. Particularly outstanding was the case of Huamantla, the true City Audi because from the beginning of the construction of the assembly plant and highway infrastructure, does not cease to receive most of the agents involved in the process since the corresponding region San Jose Chiapa, Nopalucan, Grajales and Eastern lacks the necessary framework for projects of this magnitude. Puebla schizophrenic currency, betting the whole development to the construction of an automotive assembler and almost lose by anti-self that have been promoted policies dramatically. Puebla's government has made a fool of pollution caused attacking cars and seeing the possibility of cancellation in one of its main public policies for the same reason.
What to do to ensure that projects have the desired success? How to avoid the paradigm of local modernization Guajolota? Arturo Rueda considered Puebla, as those indigenous insurgents 1994, did not understand the modernization of state government. For him, Rafael Moreno Valle and Carlos Salinas de Gortari shared a fate: the modernization frustrated as a result of a backward society. Samuel Ramos, however, states that one of the main problems of Mexican identity was the inability to adjust means and ends; so widely it highlighted in our political class and the paradigm of Guajolota. César Gaviria drove in his country moderate neoliberalism. Always points to the importance of recognizing the subjectivity of Latin America, a continent that needs before any hysterical materialism, social justice, democracy, equality, freedom and human rights. The Colombian constitution of 1991 is such a historic project which was the Mexican constitution of 1917. The difference is that our country abandoned aspiration and essential responsibility. Mexican modernity became fickle, arrogant, frivolous and, therefore, small and fragile.
The solution paradigm Guajolota or call it "ratonazo", "and merit", "cruzazulismo", "salting" etc .; It is nothing but responsibility. The ordoliberalism and austerity should be the government guidelines. And yet the specter of populism, it is necessary for governments to govern and, if possible, to govern the country. Extradite "ipso facto" a dozen drug dealers, buy a dozen departures Audi vehicles are bad for a game that has complicated; but ridicule have to get to govern.
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