Mexico: Still in the Cold War?

Mexico: Still in the Cold War?
December 7, 2018

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/12/07/M%C3%A9xico-%C2%BFA%C3%BAn-en-la-Guerra-Fr%C3%ADa?fbclid=IwAR2qI6jYyAd3IE34m0hAjBmrnKxgYoLj3U960eqhFXsoNwREQeg_DbxE2M8


By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Many of the "private sectors" in Mexico have increased their capacity for propaganda, intervention and boycott as a result of the electoral triumph of Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Before the inauguration, an insane campaign had already begun with all the paraphernalia of attack against MORENA: classism, racism, xenophobia, intolerance and fascism are elements that have been rabidly placed in the main institutions of the interest groups in Mexico, as well as the organic intellectuals who depend on them and feed their traditional cleavages.

With everything and that the Cold War ended more than two decades ago, and that even the United States at this moment is not willing to finance dirty wars, anti-Communist persecutions or coups, the insistence of the political groups of the right is more than regrettable for fomenting a Coup d'État in Mexico or the assassination in the figure of the Executive Power. The defense and silence in the face of violent electoral frauds such as the case of Puebla, the attachment to patrimonialism and corruption in the public sector, absolute insensitivity to the humanitarian crisis that the country is experiencing and that demands a greater state presence, etc., are beginning to be the note characteristic of the PRIANRD that, according to the ideas of Luis Ernesto Derbez, should conform as a de facto political party and institutionalize the union that has always lived.

The subordination to the USA that these groups have exaggerated in recent weeks shows the anxiety for the loss of privileges against the distribution of wealth that the Mexican people claim. From its niches, the traditional right in Latin America ignores the new context, accustomed to generating religious and social paroxysms to make the US dollars fall, either by the geopolitical intelligence and security agencies, or by the expulsion of Mexican migrants to the United States. Highlighting the links with the CIA, DEA, FBI, Pentagon, NASA and US educational institutions is not to promote the "Culture of Davos" but to open the door of espionage. Counterinsurgency that, in any case, North America has practiced in our region since the independence processes. Despite the submission of the Private Initiative to the empire, it has ignored them. On this occasion, if Mexico is doing well, the United States will be positively impacted; otherwise, there is a huge risk that American intelligence has predicted several years ago. Andrés Manuel López Obrador is a progressive stabilizing president such as Franklin D. Roosevelt. Mexico and the United States have understood each other well when an opportunist right does not intervene whose nation is not even the West. The relations between the bear and the porcupine are always optimal when the right vanishes as our story shows. The reconfiguration of the ideologies and the left and right axes must be located in the postmodern era without the paroxysms of the Cold War and without the hindrances of religious fundamentalism.

The failure of neoliberalism is evident worldwide and does not correspond only to the Mexican situation; the paradigm of the welfare state reappears, but with adjustments and new economic, political and social situations. Samuel Huntington suggested to the United States of America to keep distance from the rest of the world to restore Western values, a situation that is becoming less and less feasible not only for North America but also for Europe. The Western countries will have to assimilate to the diverse globalizations and modernities in their own territory, result of the own mobility of a complex world. This is one of the reasons why America is forced to renounce imperialism, interventionism and the counterinsurgency that the extremist Latin American right seems to crave. A coup d'état in Mexico, the assassination of the President of the Republic or a civil conflict only amounts to the emigration of millions of people to North America that no wall or army will be able to stop. In the decades of neoliberalism the threshold of emigration collapsed and the countries of the north have serious problems derived from multiculturalism and assimilation. That is why the flags of the right do not work and it is more than expensive an American interventionism like the one executed in previous decades. The United States is no longer a neoliberal model but a state capitalism; Mexico should be driven by a similar condition.

Betting on dirty war, interventionism, espionage and even armed intervention would be the culmination of the decline of the United States. Its military and economic power is omni comprehensive, to the degree of imposing order and control in any region of Latin America, however, has ceased to be profitable. Latin America has become another Vietnam of the United States, and the American government must pay triple the failure of its neoliberal employees, quality managers, who accumulate problems such as poverty, lack of employment, security and access to basic services. health, emigration, etc. In these conditions, perhaps America should stop listening and patronizing the institutions that are constituted as ayatollahs of a neoliberalism mixed with Nazism. Latin America trades, and does well when the rules are fair; consumes and does it in a broad way when the products are good and of quality. Modernity is a process that became global and does not belong to anyone

The "Private Sector" has monopolized and upset Western values. For the sake of an ambiguous Conservative Modernity, he criticizes the progressive elements harshly but seizes said benefits in their spaces. The Mexican private sector is representative of an unbridled modernity, monopolizing islets where individualism, competitiveness, imported development models, the sexual revolution and, in general, the culture of Davos are exposed to fullness; but, at the same time, it deceives and manipulates social communities that inhabit the same territory. The Mexican right is a fake and opportunist, its ignominy has been discovered by the voters. The year 2018 is one of the most symbolic defeats of the right that, if it wishes to survive as a competitive political force, has to adapt to the new environment. In the hands of caciques and gunmen they have nothing to offer Mexico or the West.

Discussion on the book: The Mexican Right in the Twentieth Century. Agony, transformation and survival (Campos and Velázquez (Coords.), 2017)

Discussion on the book: The Mexican Right in the Twentieth Century. Agony, transformation and survival (Campos and Velázquez (Coords.), 2017)

Chronicle

25 de Octubre de 2018
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/10/28/la-derecha-mexicana-discutida-en-paris/

http://www.boletin.buap.mx/?q=node/746

http://www.milenio.com/cultura/presentan-libro-de-academicos-uap-en-francia
http://www.sexenio.com.mx/aplicaciones/articulo/default.aspx?Id=263977
https://www.pressreader.com/mexico/milenio-puebla/20181110/282767767625424
https://www.angulo7.com.mx/2018/11/09/la-derecha-es-un-tema-controvertido-en-la-politica-expertos-en-buap/
https://www.oronoticias.com.mx/la-derecha-un-tema-controvertido-en-la-cultura-politica-nacional/

Last Thursday, October 25, was presented at the Maison du Mexique of the Cité Universitaire de Paris, in the voice of the researcher of the Benemérita Autonomous University of Puebla Gerardo Lozada Morales, the book entitled: "The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival", work emerged from the reflections of the Academic Body: "Multidisciplinary Studies of Politics and Law" (BUAP-CA-281).
The work systematized by Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (2017), with the collaboration of academics such as: James Wilkie, Edna Monzón, Samuel Schmidt, César Cansino, Elio Masferrer Kan, Austreberto Martínez Villegas, Hervey Rivera and Franco Savarino; In addition to the text's own coordinators, it was well received and commented by the Director of the Maison du Mexique of the Cité Universitaire de Paris: Alexander Naime, as well as PhD researchers from L'École des hautes études en sciences sociaux, research laboratories of the Mondes Americains and the Fondation Masison des Sciences de L'Homme, Dr. Edgardo Manero (CNRS-EHESS), Dr. Luis Martinez Andrade (FMSH), like Dr. Laura Brondino (Paris IV), Dr. Rodrigo Diaz Maldonado (Aix Provence) and Dr. Maria Laura Reali (Paris VII).

The work bursts against the current when addressing an uncomfortable issue in Mexican national politics, mainly for the groups in which the right and far right are concentrated. Situation derived from the fact that in Latin America there is a political shift to more conservative, religious, traditional and even Nazi-fascist positions. Is it possible that in Mexico and Latin America you can study, analyze, discuss, discern the right without the course of things imply a serious conflict? It seems not.

At least those were the conclusions and controversies that sparked the intervention of the commentators of the book and the audience. The resurgence of the rights in the West is the cornerstone for the partisan-electoral process in various countries of the world, this not excluding Latin America and Mexico. Hard times are approaching where violence will be present given the intolerance of the right and the extreme right to migrants, emerging social movements, the fight for the defense of equality and the rights of communities such as the LGBTTQQ and the reconfiguration of feminisms. Societies live a severe civilizational dilemma between supporting or rejecting conservative, traditional, religious and intransigent groups. A high point in the event was the discord over the arbitrary expulsion of teachers, students and staff of the House of Argentina in Paris, caused by the debate on the issue of abortion in the South American nation, an issue that allows us to glimpse the interference of the most representative religious groups of uncompromising integral Catholicism at the highest level.

For this reason, it is necessary to disseminate works such as "The Mexican Right in the Twentieth Century", not only because of the controversy it may generate, but also to understand the possibilities of change in societies as conservative as the Mexican and Ibero-American ones - one of the most important characteristics in question of the dominant policy. The political and social ambiguity generated a conservative modernity that simulates the democratic consolidation and the advance of liberalism, thus constructing a façade that closes the thought and search for the truth.

For Dr. Rodrigo Díaz Maldonado, it is necessary to deepen the thinking of Salvador Borrego, Salvador Abascal, Carlos Cuesta Gallardo and Manuel Díaz Cid; to mention some intellectuals representative of the Mexican conservative thought in the twentieth century and Catholic reserved societies. Rodrigo Díaz pointed out the need for an in-depth analysis of José Vasconcelos and to diminish the mistaken admiration towards a bad fascist philosopher and politician. A condition that, according to Dr. Laura Reali, was similar to other Latin American intellectuals who embraced National Socialism as a bulwark of integration and identity for the region.
For Dr. Luis Martínez Andrade, the book is a great contribution in the analysis of the configuration of the Mexican right (veneration of "Cristo Rey", the Cristiada, among other themes), however, supported by the Critical Theory, he stressed the importance of not to detach the study of this phenomenon from capitalist dynamics, because, as Max Horkheimer said, "whoever speaks of fascism without talking about capitalism, should better keep his mouth shut".
Likewise, Dr. Laura Brondino and Dr. Edgardo Manero agreed that it is urgent to develop historiographic and quantitative methodologies to identify the rightist ideology in Latin America; for them, there is no monocausality between the hegemony of Catholicism and the political preference of conservative nationalisms; likewise, they point out, it is mandatory to reinterpret geopolitics as an important anchor for the reactivation of radical right-wing thinking. The Mtro. Gerardo Lozada Morales reviewed the works contained in the book and the unique value they bring; at the same time that he pointed out -in the case of his personal work- the enormous contribution of the vasconcelismo to civic culture in Mexico, notwithstanding the conservative preferences of the Oaxacan philosopher.

The comments of the scholars provoked mixed feelings in the audience, who questioned the political changes in Ibero-America, particularly the cases of Mexico, Spain and Brazil. Likewise, they agreed to congratulate the opening of the House of Mexico in Paris and its Director Dr. Alexander Naime, for the study of a controversial issue but that contributes to dismantling taboos of the national political culture.

Puebla. The donkey of Troy of the Mexican Ultra-Right

Puebla. The donkey of Troy of the Mexican Ultra-Right
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/10/16/Puebla-El-burro-de-Troya-de-la-Ultraderecha-Mexicana

The Puebla elections have shaken the interests and feelings of Mexican conservatism to the roots. If the morenovallismo loses the square, with its migration also move the privileges and spaces that they have usurped from, at least, five decades; although there is evidence of a greater hegemony. The "City of Angels" and its surroundings have been useful for the Catholic, Creole, technocratic, business and fascist reputation. If General Lázaro Cárdenas did not confront the local oligarchic structure, why would they allow MORENA to try to change the quasi-colonial hierarchy? The Mexican reaction will do anything to maintain its islets and haciendas.

The Neoavilacamachismo, headed by Rafael Moreno Valle, begins to show the weakness of López Obrador. The president-elect lacks political and economic strength to defeat a character who is successfully merging the Mexican reaction and the caciques of the Revolutionary Family. The Neoavilacamachismo will be for López Obrador what the Atlacomulco Group was for Ernesto Zedillo. Tragicomic repetition of what was the neoporphism for Francisco I. Madero? Will the president-elect review his allusive notes?

Puebla does not have the geostrategic importance of other Mexican states; however, symbolically, the defeat of Morena will be a great loss for the lopezobradorismo and, like Tabasco in the period zedillista, will be the starting point of the irreverence to the presidential figure and its movement. Andrés Manuel knows that story; but, he could also ask Manuel Bartlett the reasons of the Union of Governors in the fateful sexennium. The president-elect will face what is called a "juxtaposed government", that is, cohabitation with local governments of different political forces that are waiting to keep their fiefs. The legislative majority is of little use if the governors do not attend, understand, or want to understand.

The manner in which the electoral process of Puebla concludes, and not the NAICM, can be constituted as the sepulcher of the Fourth Transformation. An opportunist local right is convinced that AMLO won the presidency thanks to the system of proportional representation and, therefore, consider that the PAN must protect - even ignominy - its spurious triumph in the last state election. The neoavilacamachista cid is earning himself to be the new keeper of interests, custodial families and powers of the modern right, the secular right and the extreme right. As Gustavo Díaz Ordaz did.

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review 

Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero y Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia

BUAP 

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinators): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp.

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6 and ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

http://www.profmex.org/ciclosytendencias/vinculos/La_Derecha_Mexicana_en_el_Siglo_XX.pdf

La derecha mexicana en el siglo XX. Agonía, transformación y supervivencia. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López y Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinadores): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp. 

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6  y  ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

1. Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero

Profesor Investigador del Instituto de Ciencias del Gobierno BUAP

Research Professor of the Government Sciences Institute BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891147/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_Transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_1

This publication represents, in my opinion, one of the definitive advances to understand and interpret the current relationship between the Mexican political system and the Roman Catholic Church. Several articles analyze in depth and supported in a vast bibliography such crucial issues as the cult of Christ the King, the Cristiada, the assassination of the Jesuit Miguel Agustín Pro in the context of the main political-religious groupings in Mexico. In the third part highlights the chapter dedicated to the vicissitudes of Mexican fascism along with the Hispanic Heritage of Manuel Gómez Morín. Finally, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero -coordinators of the volume- analyze two topics of undeniable topicality: conservative feminism and the National Action Party, graphically described as THE CONSERVATIVE SMURF.

In the preface, it is rightly pointed out that in order to penetrate the tangled political jungle of Mexico, it is necessary to remember the great heterogeneity of the Mexican left, as well as the socio-political hedge of the right. The distinctive note are the articles included in the abundant and varied bibliography, on which the authors base their statements, and the clarity with which they present their varied theses. An essential article to understand the confusing current approach of the relations of the Mexican Government with the Holy See is the article by Elio Masferrer, in which he analyzes the control - not only religious - exercised by the Inquisition during the Colony. He then goes deeper into the analysis of the different historical periods: Independence, the 1930s and the contemporary Spanish political-religious situation. In order to understand "the strategic responses of the Catholic Church", as Elio Masferrer affirms, this author aptly quotes the funeral note published in memory of ex-Girolamo Prigione:

"Against what many think that Mexico gave everything and did not ask for anything, in
there really was not much to give or ask. However, Salinas
(the president) put a condition. That Miguel Hidalgo and José María
Morelos were redeemed from their excommunication. Girolamo Prigione, as
apostolic delegate, he proposed it to Pope John Paul II, who took it to
his canons, as his lawyers are called. The matter was studied and
They found a happy solution. Bishop Manuel Abad y Queipo was a
son had out of wedlock and that prevented him from being a bishop. A) Yes
that he only had the appointment of provisional bishop, but not definitive. Y
excommunication requires a definitive episcopal appointment. So,
therefore, Hidalgo and Morelos were never excommunicated and did not require
they would redeem. "

A second article also essential for the same purpose is the one dedicated to "The Faithful Spain", in which the concept of Hispanidad is analyzed as a generator of "authentic Hispanism". This admirable synthesis of "Mexicanness" and "Hispanicness" forged by Manuel Gómez Morín is crucial to understand the ideological development of the Mexican right. Fundamental factor, as the authors underline, to understand "the cultural and spiritual community between Spain and its colonies."

What would be the final evaluation that is imposed upon the conclusion of the reading of all the articles? A first evaluation is found in the preface written by Samuel Schmidt, James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie. We do not pretend to formulate a critical opinion of such lucid evaluations, but we do not hesitate to agree with these authors when they indicate that "this book is important because it allows us to study the origin and evolution of the political forces prevailing in Mexico."

It should be emphasized that the authors of the various chapters have described and deepened a political-religious theme in a creative and well-documented manner. This confirms the opinion of these three authors when affirming (ibid: 24) that "Patricia and Diego show us that there is not a single historical truth and that there is still much to be discovered and explained about the rights in Mexico".

Affirmation very understandable and acceptable. But, for our part, we allow ourselves to indicate that the accurate historical considerations directed towards the end towards "The Priista Smurf" (El Pitufo Priista) offer us, at the same time, an objective basis for deepening the "Vatican Smurf." They are two 'Smurfs' intimately connected for centuries. In Mexico we already have an abundant historical research on the relationships maintained for two centuries by these two politico-religious entities. It is time, to conclude, for the researchers to delve into the structural characteristics of the Vatican State capable of granting, preventing and reformulating apparently ecclesiastical distinctions, but which penetrate and configure the intimate historical structure of countries such as Mexico and Spain. 

2. Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia
Profesor Investigador de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la BUAP 
Research Professor of the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences of the BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891148/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_2

After the National Action Party rise to presidential power in 2000, a style of political activism that has operated in Mexico for more than a century was unveiled. The work of Álvaro Delgado entitled "The Anvil. The far right in power" (2003), was a watershed to understand the reconfiguration that had different actors who managed to converge with traditionalism, conservatism, religiosity, etc., to give rise to what can be defined as the Mexican right.

The discussion in Mexico on the right is already decimonial, if we go back to the discussion of authors like Hale (1982) we will know that the political and ideological role of the representatives of the same have transcended since the 19th century, heirs of a Mexico that did not end to distinguish beyond conservative liberalism of the nineteenth century.

The Mexican Right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival (2017) comes to be subscribed in the discussion, which to this day is latent in national history, about groups of past and contemporary conservatism. The text recovers the memory - still alive - of many characters forgotten by history and ignored for being in the disagreement of the great men of the revolutionary period; nevertheless, they are real architects of the change and Mexican political transformation.

Divided into 4 parts the text takes us through a first discussion and approach to the concepts and categories of what is called symbolic representation with the contributions of compilers and national researchers Cesar Cansino and Elio Masferrer, important in this section to observe the Mexican ideological compass (Cancino, 2017: 44) to size and locate the range of topics on the Mexican right. In the second part, the cult of Christ the King in the moments of Mexican nationalism during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the religious themes linked to the peasant movements of that historical period of the nation; It gives an account of the formation of Mexican ultra-right groups and of characters still little known in history such as Miguel Agustín Pro. In the third part and as political alternatives of the Mexican right, we explain the set of fascist expressions of these social components of the right, like José Vasconcelos himself, led to sympathize with Nazism, the Hispanic heritage of Gómez Morin, as well as the description of the activism of discrete groups of the caliber of MURO, Yunque and Tecos, made by Gerardo Lozada and Hervey Rivera; in the fourth and final part the work leaves the slopes where the right can reconfigure itself in the present, through the phenomenon of Conservative Feminism headed by Margarita Zavala, and the role of the "Priista Smurf"; which reveals the power relationship that led the PAN to collaborate with the regime's party that was antagonistic since its creation in 1939.

The work coordinated by Xóchitl Patricia and Diego Martín, is a serious example of the symbolic reconfiguration and political praxis that the right wing had in Mexico during the 20th century, through a fine collaboration of academics. From the beginning the work highlights the interview with James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie, on the part of Samuel Schmidt to rescue through the thought of Manuel Gómez Morin the ideological bases that constituted the PAN.

The work of recovery and hermeneutic analysis of the work, the handling of documentary sources not widely disseminated in the national and regional scope, as well as the exploration of topics such as ultra-right groups and their involvement in alternative projects of the nation is the hallmark of originality of This product of academic research that also speaks of a dynamic and historical social inertias in many parts of contemporary Mexico, which are still awaiting new epistemological approaches with which to observe the transformation and survival of the Mexican right, the intensification of the authors was to gather different contributions to make a formal analysis that would lead us to think about the different types of conservatives and rights in our country.

Delgado, A. (2003). The anvil. The extreme right in power. Mexico: Plaza and Janés.
Hale, C. (1982). Mexican Liberalism in the time of Mora. Mexico. Ed. Siglo XXI

Cold War and subordination of the Mexican political class

Cold War and subordination of the Mexican political class

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/10/02/Guerra-Fr%C3%ADa-y-subordinaci%C3%B3n-de-la-clase-pol%C3%ADtica-mexicana

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/10/03/guerra-fria-y-subordinacion-de-la-clase-politica-mexicana-2/

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The international scenario after the Second World War determined the geopolitical position of Mexico as an ally of the United States of North America, for it played a fundamental role clerofascism. Between 1926 and 1942 a harassment against the Mexican State was generated by the Holy See and the elements of Catholic nationalism that disturbed US foreign policy. After the attacks of Pearl Harbor, North America forces the Mexican government to admit the sinarquismo in the governability of the country. This situation should be highlighted when studying the structure and conformation of national elites. Peter Smith describes the labyrinths of political power in Mexico, but he forgot to study the drainage of catacomb catholicism.

During the Cold War our country was constituted as a right-wing system. A civil right and a religious right, were the lanes where the Mexican political system was structured. Like other experiences in Latin America and the world, social frameworks were consigned to characters that oriented a conservative modernity without risk for the balance of nuclear containment.

Repression and harassment have been measures against those who seek to build an authentic nationalism or disagree with the liberal western model. The binomial CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) -National Catholicism has been the core of the PRI, PRIAN and PRIANRD in recent times.

Connoted politicians, businessmen, priests and diverse characters, were at the service of pentagonism to "save the world from the Masonic communist Jewish conspiracy." Justify crimes against humanity, upset the facts, hide evidence and encourage the dispossession of the poor, are the tasks of the apostles and evangelizers of Occidentalism. The Latin American right does not defend the values ​​of liberal democracy, it is subordinated to the American war economy and will hardly change in the short term.

1968 should be the reminder of the cost involved in building a free nation against the interests of the superpowers. The authoritarianism and dirty war that continued at that time, are the sign of the risk implied by the absence of true citizenship in Mexican society. 1968 is the memorandum that American and Vatican control of our country is deeper than the shameful neoliberal clauses. Now that communism has been replaced by drug trafficking as the new enemy of the United States, it is highly probable that this political class is willing to turn Mexico into a stage for Tom Clancy's novels.

The Cold War implied the beginning of youth killings and the disappearance of social movements in Mexico. Representatives of Catholic Nationalism such as Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, Luis Echeverría Álvarez and the technocratic generations that have continued, have sacrificed thousands of people in our country to be part of the oligarchy subordinated to North America. However, they have been the worst managers of US imperialism: Mexico expels millions of emigrants and drugs, the United States is increasingly poor and addicted. The clerofascismo seems to be the unbeaten actor of the postwar period.

The construction of a new regime in our country coincides with the real weakening of North America. Something serious must happen in the country of bars and stars if in the foresight of George Friedmann and Samuel Huntington, the Mexican question is a civilizational risk without comparison or understanding. The societies of both countries must understand that the cost of a control like the one that was put into practice during the Cold War era is onerous for all. Pentagonism is no longer an option for North America, the United States is an empire that must begin to federalize. Mexico must value the circumstantial independence that fate provides in the current context, it is essential the secularization of all social structures and the full awareness of the damage that Catholic nationalism -the right- has caused -and intends to continue to cause- in the evolution from the country.

México: Fourth Transformation and Complex Thought

México: Fourth Transformation and Complex Thought
September 24, 2018
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/24/Cuarta-Transformaci%C3%B3n-y-Pensamiento-Complejo

Modern thought is iconoclastic and aims to desacralize elements at every moment. The axiom of the death of God did not mean the disappearance of spiritual and metaphysical needs but the loss of centrality that religious institutions contained, at least, in Western culture. Thus, the march of secularization -dialéctica and infinita- began, where the history and freedom of man wander. Each destroyed paradigm is followed by a period of free will that articulates a temporal model to understand, conscientize and explain reality. Disacralizing is breaking monopolies, socializing knowledge, and building new interpretations. Evolution demands change.

A new "rebellion of the masses" is approaching in the world and in Mexico it was peacefully implemented in the elections that formed one of the most significant alternations of national history. What lost centrality in Mexico? What was desacralized? Neoliberalism, technocracy, entrepreneurs and PRIANRD. The Conservative Modernity was exhausted to give way to an Innocent Modernity.

Some years ago the educational field was hit by this type of changes. The positivism that generated so much order in the production of Latin American knowledge and lifestyle was replaced by new didactics; Even the positivist approach -which was the Mexican illustration- began to be called "traditionalist pedagogy". During the neoliberal era it was called "educational quality" to imitate the processes that were practiced in private education institutions. During the last thirty years the education of the Mexican Revolution was contravened because it only formed poor and PRI. In private education institutions is where these guidelines of complexity and pluralism are fully taken, from reactionary perspectives you can talk about some models completely feminist or infantile in cases of higher education. Thus, the figure of the teacher has been decentralized and it is horizontal to build a new way of teaching and learning. The same thing has happened to the professor as to the priest: they are no longer legitimate intermediaries between the abstract and the concrete.

In the public education sector it was considered that Edgar Morin's theory of complexity and chaos was promoted to dismantle the role of the teacher as the protagonist of social movements. The student sector was established as the catalyst-proletariat-from the perspective of critical, liberalizing and Marxist educational approaches. Thus, the far right that guided conservative modernity whipped up public education to raise an aspirational individual who managed to live with six thousand pesos a month.

Why did the Millenials vote for MORENA? Is that the model of education based on complexity worked. Edgar Morin became the main public enemy of traditionalist education. Relativism, nihilism, existentialism, complexity, agnosticism, etc., did not come from Antonio Gramsci and Carlos Marx; it was the interests of the neoliberal and business dynamics that were in charge of consolidating it everywhere.

The desacralization of the technocrats, businessmen and neoliberals is now presented and social participation in the design of public policies (participatory budgets-consultations) to build better governance.

In the logic of chaos and complexity, inclusive processes of the greatest diversity and rationality are generated. Nature is sacred, matriarchy, happiness, diversity and alternative. 1968 is the Vietnam of all time.

What does the PRIANRD oligarchy then complain about? It will be that the desacralización implies loss of privileges. The right and far right now are the "Zorro sin cola" and shout their apocalyptic terrorism everywhere. The Rafael Preciado Hernández Foundation, the Mexican Institute of Competitiveness and Puebla represent spaces where the nostalgia for a "Nazi Modernity" implements actions that justify all types of violence. However, the social process that has begun in Mexico does not stop with anything, it only remains to assume the responsibilities and continue to continue.

To the millenarian reaction you need proposals if you long for posterity. National Action has to observe, seriously, the complexity and chaos to which it contributed and formulate adequate responses if it hopes that the statist turn made by the Mexican government will not last long. Trying to innovate the Mexico of the 21st century with the ideas of Traian Romanescu, Maximino Ávila Camacho and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz is impossible. 

MARTHA TRUMP

Martha Trump

September 2, 2018

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/02/Martha-Trump

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The way in which digital messages ex-candidate PAN Martha Ericka Alonso has been unfortunate. The permanent form of aggression and evasion that contain their ideas, shows an authoritarian and classist personality. Beyond marketing, its way of dealing with sensitive issues in the region has little tact and humanity. It is obvious that he intends a style similar to that of the American president.

The lynching in Puebla, over the last few years, is the direct responsibility of the Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachista clique that agreed with the ultra-right of Puebla the alternation in 2010, has been dedicated to dismantling and destroying the political institutions and municipalities of the entity. Gentrification, plundering, dispossession, fraud, extortion, neoextractivism and looting, have been the guidelines of the PAN governments in Puebla and, therefore, the morenovallismo far surpassed the marinismo.

In 2003, when Vicente Fox promoted the recognition of Mexican emigrants in the United States of America, the town of San Vicente Boquerón was placed as a model of self-government and solidarity thanks to its emigrants. The Club "Grupo Unión" (Esquivel, 2003) has promoted all the things that governments -in their three levels- have forgotten and failed to do. The natives of this community that moved to North America have subsidized drains, ambulances, schools, musical bands, patron saints, hospitals, collective transport, road infrastructure, etc. There are the works of some serious migrantologists (Gustavo López Ángel and Liliana Rivera) who can account for the enormous social capital that has developed in this community and in other localities, auxiliary boards, ranches and colonies that only have migrants to survive . Other studies were even designed, from there, to structure the 3x1 federal policy. Later, Foxism itself tried to hurt this community through a neoextractivist project of which they defended themselves heroically and ended up, finally, abandoning them. And, still, the aristocratic panismo dares to say that the City Council of Acatlán de Osorio is surpassed? In the Mixteca Poblana there is no government, it is a huge Comala where the Morenovallismo agreed with Pedro Páramo.

Ignorance of state government and panism is unbearable because it is not ignorance; It is cynicism. The issue of the approval of municipal public accounts by the local legislature delineates this point. A former PAN municipal president who dragged administrative processes of financial responsibility a little over a decade ago, was visited to conculcarlo to propose a party in his town party to fragment the vote and support Martha Ericka, to do so, they guaranteed the approval of their accounts public ... .., and they complied. One case, more than regrettable, is another Mixteco president who could not verify - because it does not exist - a sports unit for several million pesos that was managed by the Ministry of Finance. The same process The same procedure.

Who is responsible then?

It is not worth criminalizing these communities because they are poor, because they are migrant communities that have been abandoned historically. Does Martha Ericka remember the treatment she gave to the migrants who rebuked her on the issue of 43 of Ayotzinapa? If the public resources were distributed equitably, if the administrative circuits and the head offices were taken into account, they would be more equal with the other communities of the municipality. If the government were managed with less patrimonialism. There is no doubt, the reality would be different.

Lynchings in Puebla have become widespread in urban and rural areas. They are evidence of government neglect and corruption. Whichever way you look at it, the Morenovallismo impoverished and violated the whole society to promote its modernizing megaprojects. The "development" of Puebla is the facade to promote a political ambition at whatever cost. And the situation in Puebla will worsen now that the national ultra-right wants to take shelter under the command of its new glorious general.

It is annoying, too, the silence of academics and researchers who know these regions of the Mixteca Poblana. We have received water, food, shelter, support and valuable information to develop research that nobody reads, but that serve for academic tourism and financing. The least that can be said is that the criminalization of San Vicente Boquerón is unfair and takes a turn to divert the criticism of those who are truly responsible. The individuals who visited the area after the tremors of September 2017 were able to verify the absolute orphanhood in which these towns are located. It is not justifiable that extreme deprivation provokes lynchings; but, the abandonment and governmental manipulation of panism, in these years, is unbearable.

Lynchings occur in contexts where deprivation and government neglect. What part of Puebla is not like that? The indicators of the IDD in all the PAN governments for our entity, equated the state with Michoacán and Guerrero. It was only a matter of time before conflicts arose. Puebla is one of the main expellers of migrants to North America, now, it is also one of the main affected by the immigration policy of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. What has the state government done? Frauds, only fraud.

The treatment of the migrant community of San Vicente Boquerón is not responsible. Hell has a name and surname. The money spent in local and national media to show the villagers, should be used to reduce poverty. Discrimination against these people; however, it is not exclusive only to politicians like Martha Ericka. It is also worth noting the conflict between Ricardo Monreal and Andrés Bermudez Viramontes-the King of Tomato-in Zacatecas. According to the researcher Miguel Moctezuma, the successful migrant insisted that, only when they were ill with cancer, would the evil of the members of the Mexican political class decrease. Bermudez is dead and Zacatecas, like Puebla, keeps going bad.

Mexican migrants must learn from Cuban migrants in North America. Just as the latter ask the US government to demand significant democratic changes in the Cuban regime to lessen the pressure of the inhuman economic blockade, then, Mexican emigrants should press to be taken into account by the United States, for example, to negotiate the Free Trade Agreement. and demand greater reciprocity from Mexican politicians in the communities of origin such as San Vicente Boquerón. Mexico has been unfair to its emigrants in the United States; but Puebla, it has been the worst. The fight against discrimination must be there and here. The tweet of Martha Ericka and the ideas of the morenovallismo on the popular groups and the migrant communities must be a warning on the reasons to avoid that it assume some public function.

In Puebla there is a perverse strategy of government terrorism to criminalize poverty and justify hard-line government. If the morenovallismo survives and seizes the PAN, this diazordacista mentality will be transformed into the rhetoric of the new right. This can not continue if the country wants a Fourth Transformation.

Migrants in struggle. J. Jesus Esquivel. Magazine Process N. 1400. August 31, 2003. Page 28-30