The INE. cultural montage

 The INE. cultural montage

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Companies are forced to live in regimes of limited participation by oligarchic groups and authoritarian public officials like Córdova himself.

A few days ago, the former president of the INE, Lorenzo Córdova, interpreted the results of the Latinobarómetro survey in light of the role that the IFE/INE has played in the construction of the Transition Model via Competitive Elections.

In addition to hypocritical lamentations, the racist and authoritarian official commits the excess of attributing the social disenchantment of democracy with the Fourth Transformation.

The way in which sectors sympathetic to Lopezobradorism, as well as the holder of the federal executive power, are judged negatively, shows that Córdova could never affirm himself as a neutral arbiter of the electoral processes in Mexico, much less as the positive channel of Mexican democratic consolidation.

AUTHORITARIANISM

No society prefers authoritarianism, the cretinism of the former INE adviser and his intellectual chapel spreads.

Companies are forced to live in regimes of limited participation by oligarchic groups and authoritarian public officials like Córdova himself.

Throughout its history, the IFE/INE forgot its commitment to civic culture and democratic education. It is not only that the people have the government they deserve, as Lorenzo Córdova wants to say; is that the INE never did anything to control the voracity and authoritarianism of the political class, mainly the neoliberals, whose most extraordinary case was the 2006 elections under the immoral arbitration of Luis Carlos Ugalde.

DISENCHANTMENT

The disenchantment with democracy is not only the responsibility of society but, mainly, of organizations such as the INE -on a national and local scale- and of electoral officials such as Ugalde and Córdova, exalted practitioners of bureaucratic patrimonialism and electoral concessions.

The political transition via competitive elections was only a cultural assembly headed by intellectuals at the service of the hegemonic historical bloc that never materialized participatory democracy, fair arbitration and authentic recognition of popular preferences.

The INE and the OPLEs are monuments of bureaucratic patrimonialism and political science fallacy. Ugalde, Córdova and company represent snobbery and intellectual imposture to recognize reality.

The current political circumstance not only demonstrates the excessive cost of electoral councilors and organizations, as well as their uselessness.

The current context has triggered a democratic deepening that has surpassed the coyote of the electoral official and generated a political agonism thanks to which it has been possible to recognize the real values of the multiple political tendencies and their factions; mainly the racist, pro-Yankee and classist right.

The INE, under the direction of Córdova Vianello, never respected the will of the Mexican people who attended the 2018 elections. Like Ugalde, it entered Mexican history on the side of discredit, and it will stay there.

The cultural montage of the electoral organizations is so untenable that even the Broad Front abandoned it.

Mexican democracy is not the liberal capitalist democracy as anyone with a minimum of comparative politics knows, and the Latinobarómetro should adjust its measurement instruments to other indices and variables.

Lozano and Verastegui. The marginalized radical right

 Lozano and Verastegui. The marginalized radical right

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The neoliberal economic modernization preferred by Claudio X. González and the Broad Front as a political option, has generated that the Catholic nationalist groups show themselves as cliques of rednecks at the service of pragmatic economic groups.

In the electoral process of 2024, the independent participation of the tendencies that, at some point, reflected a singular part of the National Action Party is glimpsed.

While it was considered that the Hispanic VOX effect would allow the structuring of a radicalism similar to that developed in some European political processes, the truth is that -as in the Synarchist era- Catholic nationalism becomes the true shameful right for the groups neoliberal and business articulated around Claudio X. González.

The divergence of Gilberto Lozano and Eduardo Verástegui with the profile of Xóchitl Gálvez -probably the ideal candidate of the Broad Front for Mexico for the presidency of the republic- goes beyond a difference due to inclusion or religious moral conflict. Synarchism has been dying out along with the decline of the Mexican peasantry, neoliberalism has done what neither the State nor secularization achieved: make Catholic Tridentism in politics bizarre.

The neoliberal economic modernization preferred by Claudio X. González and the Broad Front as a political option, has generated that the Catholic nationalist groups show themselves as cliques of rednecks at the service of pragmatic economic groups.

Therefore, the separation of Lozano and Verástegui from the Broad Front for Mexico means a unique challenge in the evolution of the right for the country.

After the meeting of the CPAC (Conservative Political Action Conference) and the visit of Santiago Abascal from VOX to Mexico, the scenario marked better paths for the religious right; now, Lozano and Verástegui play the role of Muñoz Ledo and Cárdenas in 1987. With Xóchitl Gálvez, what the Broad Front represents is a pro-American and neoliberal right, assuming the progressive liberal social modernization that this implies.

So far, the political preferences for Lozano and Verástegui are low. Even the structure of the ecclesiastical hierarchy seems to abandon them for the sake of electoral profitability. The radical right in Mexico is extinguished and the 2024 elections constitute the stage to lead a Numantine fight against accelerated social change or retirement in the concealment of discreet and reserved groups such as the white guerrilla of the national oligarchy.

And although the apparent agony of Hispanic Catholic nationalism and philonazism should generate tranquility, the strength of invisible power and human evil as equivalents are sufficient reasons to distrust.

Puebla: on the radar

Puebla: on the radar

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The appointment of the constitutional president of the United Mexican States, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, regarding the collaborators on the issue of security and governance that the substitute governor Salomón Céspedes decided to incorporate, is a sign that Puebla -the entity- no longer goes unnoticed by part of the Fourth Transformation. There is no space to point out a "dark shadow of lopezobradorismo" as was previously thought. There is a closeness between Lopez Obradorism and Puebla that cannot be considered a collusion. I wish that a little more would be done because the topics are endless, although starting already counts for a lot.

The information provided by the federal Ministry of the Interior regarding the members of the state cabinet constitutes antecedents that forced them to present resignations, it is a message not only for the group that directs the state government but for the political class that is now migrating to the ranks from BRUNETTE. The transformation must be authentic because the antecedents are always visible.

The state government has had to reconsider the training and service vocation of its collaborators. Alejandro Armenta has tried to do something similar, but it is not his thing. The aspirants to the state government under the candidacy of Morena, now have to start from scratch, demand an ideological commitment from their supporters and put aside the collaborations full of grotesque, these are no longer the times of Gonzalo N. Santos.

On the one hand, Armenta intends to align with the principles of the Fourth Morenista Transformation; on the other hand, his reaction is perceived as exaggerated and perhaps shows a greater concern for those who are part of his inner circle. Armenta's problem is that he surrounds himself more and more with characters who are confronted with the president of the republic and he will have to say goodbye to them soon if he does not want to be the PRIANRD candidate, which, according to demographic estimates, he would do anyway. make competitive.

The intervention of the federal government in Puebla has been interesting, it confirms –as the maxim of a good local political scientist points out- that the order to regulate regional authoritarianism only comes from the center. The possibilities of alternation are not extinguished in the entity and force governability to gain momentum, coherence, congruence and encouragement. The social movements and the Morenista bases in the region should no longer feel orphaned.

Emptiness and PRI

 Emptiness and PRI

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The resignation of the Institutional Revolutionary Party by a group of distinguished politicians and militants led by Miguel Osorio Chong has demonstrated the insufficiency that distinguishes the former Official Party towards the political process of 2024. The PRI is a party that remains and this constitutes a drag more in the configuration of the Broad Front for Mexico.

The turncoat ended up generating the total migration of PRI cadres and professional politicians to leave the political institute as a barren land, a Castile, full of nostalgia and the dead.

Although the recent electoral process in Coahuila and the State of Mexico made the PRI appear strengthened by the level of competitiveness demonstrated in both electoral processes, the departure of important lineages in the configuration of the historical PRI leaves the political party in the hands of a leadership who behaves like a goat in glassware from the beginning of his hierarchical responsibility.

The corporatism and the operational structure of the PRI had time to be managed at a distance from the institutional decisions of the leadership. The output starring Osorio Chong is an example of the catastrophic scenario that Manuel Camacho Solís envisioned in the face of the lack of regeneration of the regime of the Mexican revolution: Argentinization. That is to say, the anarchy and pragmatic rationality of the fundamental actors in mass politics. It finally happened. The PRI is no longer a party of the masses and the social actors have been left free – some think of the old revolt hypothesis of the headless proletariat. However, this also translates into an increase in electoral vices such as clientelism and vote buying. The destructuring of political parties devalues democracy. The lack of organization of the collective groups can set the tone for the extremism of electoral crime as well as the appearance of strange populisms that, together, put governability in check.

Social movements have concentrated on MORENA and the government of the Fourth Transformation. Probably, the current government regime will incorporate corporatism as a preponderant actor in the new power relations by 2024. The departure of PRI notables, cadres, and militants constitutes yet another blow to the weak convening power of the Broad Opposition Front. The right-wing groups concentrated on it do not understand the meaning of social participation in Latin American regimes, it is one thing to buy the vote and another to gain legitimacy. Hence the importance of observing what will happen to the collective agents and fractions that leave the PRI. The departure of the PRI members should also translate into an abandonment of the Broad Front because, then, it would be interpreted as a universal inconsistency to leave the PRI, but support it in the opposition coalition.

Roads of Michoacan

Roads of Michoacan

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

From the perspective of some neoliberal geographers, part of the explanation of poverty in Mexico is related to dispersion. The conclusion of this perspective on development prescribes simple situations, although many times impossible to carry out.

In the south of the country, this strategy developed under technocratic and authoritarian impulses, distinguishes concepts such as Rural-Cities, Smart Cities or Cluster Cities.

At a sufficient distance to interpret the results, the only thing that can be evidenced is the neo-extractivism and gentrification behind these projects, in addition to the accompaniment of organized crime, sometimes foreign mercenary, as well as totalizing government corruption.

Chiapas, one of the starting points of post-neoliberal neo-extractivism, is dangerously close to situations of ungovernability and very serious regional conflicts. The conflict is generated to promote the displacement of human groups to the cities, the central and northern states; or, the United States of North America, where the subjects become cheap labor, cannon fodder for organized crime or a floating consumerist population.

The Zapatista Army of National Liberation has been an example of self-defense, social identity, defense of the territory, and even a postmodern revolution, as Alain Touraine pointed out. Zapatista militants, like the Navi in Avatar, fight to save the world of life, isolate themselves from the contradictions of capitalism, modernity and even progress. And the cost for the EZLN has been a peculiar conflict with the Mexican State and with the mercenary forces of imperialism and internal colonialism.

The EZLN's war has spread to many regions of Mexico, such as Michoacán. US imperialism is not only looking for lemons, avocados or drugs. The Zeigeist of the time marks lithium, gold, copper, water, tin, etc. And it has mercenaries –like Blackwater- in many pivotal areas to sow terror and appropriate territories, landscapes, entire worlds of life.

The American technocrats, like the Nazi technocrats who recruited and ended up training them, do not stop thinking of the world as their East Indies and disposable subjects.

The war against drug trafficking in Mexico covers up the process of neo-extractivism that is advancing relentlessly. People are forced through the mercenary terrorism of organized crime to migrate, to leave their territories and resources to US economic interests.

As in the case of the EZLN, the Latin American governments and the Mexican one in particular, observe the massacre and torture in a stoic, but tragic way; with few possibilities of confronting the terrorist force and trying to resort to resistance measures that work less and less.

Mexico faces a hybrid war by the United States on various sides, the drug war is the most visible channel of this conflict; but, without a doubt, US imperialism intervenes wherever it wants, for example the Broad Opposition Front. It is necessary to avoid denial to understand the perspective of Yankee interests on the Mexican political system.

Even when neoliberalism came to power, neoextractivism does not stop or become human; On the contrary, Michoacán, like the country, is tangible proof of the neo-extractivist war that we are experiencing. Multilateralism, national resistance, the ability to react to US imperialism even if it is in a symbolic way, the denunciation of what is really happening, is the only resource left. The United States is going to destroy the world, but first it will destroy Michoacán and Mexico.

Frente Amplio (Broad Front). The Vox of Imperialism

Frente Amplio ( Broad Front). The Vox of Imperialism

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The last elections in Spain, where the far-right party VOX won significant electoral reservations, have come to confirm the merger between the Iberian and Mexican right-wing. The presence in the Motherland, and naturalization in its case, of Mexican political figures representative of the neoliberal era, shed light on business, economic policies favorable to the Iberian business community and, mainly, the majority delivery of the National Bank. VOX obeys the Francoist strategy that since the time of Cardenismo has been at the service of North American imperialism to recover -using itself as subordinates- the ashes of Spanish rule prior to 1898.

The Creole oligarchy used World War II and, particularly, the Cold War, to contain the emancipatory impulses of the Mexican revolution and promote an authoritarianism where the entire Hispanic community is at the service of the American Union. Like the PRI, Hispanic Catholic nationalism has always been tinsel. They are pro-Yankee in Europe and they are the most pro-Yankee in Latin America.

The Broad Front was born with all the support and assistance of the North American Deep State. There are neither citizens, nor parties, nor liberals, nor intellectuals, nor businessmen, in the Broad Front; dominates a series of covert agents of North American intelligence who seek to sabotage the political and economic process that began in 2018: The great transformation that can change the correlation of social, political and economic forces to reduce neo-extractivist neoliberalism that looms as a new geopolitics before the failure of democracy.

The Mexican neoliberals seek to be the general foremen of the Treasury that became Mexico. And so are its likely applicants. There is no awareness of the problems of the Mexican economic structure; On the contrary, his great concern is to obtain the permission of the Yankee empire to return to the neoliberal orbit and take his fat profits towards the Cantabrian Sea. The Embassy of the United States will be the main Bunker of the Broad Front, as well as the largest vein of financial resources.

However, the Broad Front does not have social and civic support. The neoliberal, electoral and managerial rhetoric of his proposal has nothing to do with a Mexico that in 2018 reacted to realize the color of its skin -that which the gueritocracy despises so much- and the economic vulnerability of the economy in the face of global crises such as covid-19 or drug trafficking. Without a State, there is no country, and as much as communism seems to neoliberal managers, the current world moment calls for developmentalist and Keynesian measures to say the least. It is not that the members of the Broad Front live the fantasy of liberal capitalist democracy, the truth is that they want to regain control in a stage that North American Imperialism builds as Neoextractivism. Will be able?

Emigration and drug trafficking have become macro-problems that the Failed Mexican State shares and infects the North American State. Increasingly, social anomie situations are found in the American South, the chaos of poverty radiates into US society, and problems of governance and social structure are also evident. Social conflicts and sabotage

generated by Yankee imperialism with the help of its Hispanic friends in Latin America have generated that violence, drug trafficking, crime and poverty are under the noses of the White House -literally-.

The Atlanticist geopolitics towards Latin America, and particularly towards Mexico, must change. Liberal capitalist democracy failed bizarrely as communism did, the struggle between the powers for the world distribution of territories requires greater benevolence and care from the Empire in the American continent.

The simony of the Law

 The simony of the Law

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The war against drug trafficking should have started in the public prosecutor's offices and the courts. It has always been known in Mexico that one of the main defects of the social order, and which has worsened exponentially during the neoliberal era, lies in the rule of law. During the last thirty years, the urgency has been established, indispensable to say the least, of a reform of the judiciary that finally allows justice to be established in the country and to abandon so much corruption, genocide and impunity that distinguish a country like Mexico because of the judges who represent the legal system.

Due to the above, it is incomprehensible that the government of Veracruz is attacked with such virulence for trying to correct the conduct of the representatives of the judiciary (state and federal) in that entity. Surely the powers that be and, mainly, the red circle, yearn for a narco-government or for it to be the order of mafia boss servitude, the one that imposes on the citizenry. It is enough to review the impunity rates, the number of cases reconsidered by judges, the sale of legal instruments for the acquittal of powerful criminals -there is not much difference between judges and the ecclesiastical hierarchy- and more elements of the Chicano legal tradition, to understand that the executive head of Veracruz is doing the right thing.

The variables of impunity and rule of law are not minor data when talking about democratic consolidation. They are central elements. At the very moment of the creation of the Federal Electoral Institute and the political alternation in the year 2000, there was talk of the need for transitional justice and zero tolerance for impunity. The advancement of democracy in a significant way depends on this, not only on procedural elections.

The country has delayed legal reform for decades and the consequence has been a situation of impunity, low-intensity warfare, criminality and femicides, which puts us on the brink of a failed state. A few days ago, a study that seeks to delegitimize the Fourth Transformation pointed out that 80% of the national territory is in the hands of organized crime; Apart from the government, what is the responsibility of the judiciary in this social configuration? The issue of impunity leaves no room for doubt. Mexico is a territory of impunity thanks to the judiciary.

Despite the outrageous corruption of the judiciary, the media does not take notice. Few talk about the families of governors, magistrates, and other public officials who control the state and federal judiciary. Nobody talks about the certification of the legal career and much less about the transparency in the trials that are controlled by the most powerful legal and corporate firms.

The red circle and the media exhibit themselves fully when defending the corrupting power of the national legal sphere, they only have to comment to the people as Queen Marie Antoinette did. And don't be surprised when the Mexican people respond to you in the same way as the French Revolution.