The Drunkard Came Drunk (JAJ)
September 10, 2020
Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/09/10/Lleg%C3%B3-Borracho-el-Borracho
The slander campaign against former President Felipe Calderón is unnecessary, it is base and shows the felony of the commitments that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has reached with the United States and the Mexican extreme right. Since Manuel Ávila Camacho, the informants and moles are the same primitive joints that boast as members of the secret societies reserved for Catholic nationalism and of which guys like Manuel Espino are worthy representatives. Andrés Manuel López Obrador cannot question Felipe Calderón because he is working with them: uncompromising integral Catholicism found a place in MORENA and at the highest levels of public administration. Some state governments, such as the case of Puebla, are controlled to the bone by the usual pseudonazis: morons, opportunists and moralists.
The attack on Felipe Calderón comes from the extreme right that has always controlled the Mexican State. The one that put itself at the service of the United States and then brought Mexico to its knees in front of the American Union. Is Calderón held responsible for being submissive to the Pentagon and the Vatican? Can AMLO govern in another way? The alleged alcoholism is a complete set. In a country with a highly significant culture of alcoholism, you cannot move land and sea so that the people pay tribute to the holy men of the canteens and, then, take a political figure to hell for the same circumstances. This is tartuism, you are or you are not. Tomás Garrido Canabal shot drunkards the same as Iglesias dynamited.
AMLO uses the worst rhetoric to govern and tomorrow will be the banquet of the Catholic-conservative nationalists who now claim to be on his side. The currency of these groups is harassment and confidential extortion, blackmail. By including them in your government, they have taken more information from you than you imagine and that will be used appropriately. You just have to wait for the death of the king for the new king to live and the courtesans make use of the data that they palatially obtained to find accommodation.
The folly of summoning the reference and discretion of Mario Bergoglio to gain legitimacy is a sample of the populist fallacy everywhere. Every Christian who deigns to be respected has more references than the Popes. Insisting on mixing Catholicism and politics only shows the degree of vassalage and slavery that is generated in the Latin American, Latin and Central European world. For purposes of religious pluralism, the consideration of making constant biblical references as well as the messages of Mario Bergoglio does not do a favor to Mexican democracy. What are there not other authors, even Christians, to point out the importance of a value or express the legitimacy of an action? Can't you cite an academic or, if the religious issue is important, the Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist or vegan minister? The debate over the president's religious messages is an unnecessary assault on liberal secular culture. During the XIX and XX centuries, the attacks on the Mexican State have been gigantic by the high Catholic clergy.
Illiberal democracy is one of the consequences of Christian democracy. This is the anthropological limit of our political evolution. As in post-war Italy, there are only three Jesuit options: white, black, and red. Enrique Krauze when defining the PAN, considered that half of the party is Yunque, and the other half is also Catholic but is divided into aspirationists,liberals, civilists and humanists. This is all of Mexico. The overcoming of these anthropological limits is impossible to break if the historical rupture is Porfirio Muñoz Ledo.
Christian democracy walks on the edge of the fascist razor. Even though some of their governments are tolerant of sexual, cultural, racial and religious pluralisms, the truth is that they cannot resist the temptation to implement public policies and laws with a Christian orientation, particularly that of intransigent integral Catholicism.
The political parties that assume the banner of Christian democracy, inevitably admit clericalism and clerical tutelage in the conformation of their governments as well as in their international relationship with the Holy See. The cases of Latin America and Eastern Europe constitute the largest spaces for Christian democracy. Mainly due to the lack of a liberal culture in the economic, political and social sense. While in other societies –especially of Protestant Christian orientation, the civic culture with respect to secularization and secularism does not present a major conflict, in Central European Latin American and Catholic societies, the absence of clericalism in the governmental dimension, and of the entire social structure, is considered a tragedy.
For the Christian Democrats of Catholic descent, conservative nationalist rhetoric and narrative remains of great value. In the aforementioned regions, even leftist governments must reconcile their progressive ideas with the values and guidelines of Roman Catholicism. MORENA and AMLO are doing it. López Obrador will remain on the lines of Ávila Camacho, Echeverría, Salinas, Fox and Calderón.
Christian democracy, more than a phenomenon of political ideology, constitutes a geopolitical strategy to form right-wing governments, political parties that defend its doctrine and create the perfect Christian societies where Catholic believers are the majority.
In Catholic societies with little liberal development, factionalism and succession within the Catholic Church are more important than within the political system itself. This element is worth highlighting because it complies with Max Weber's interpretive references regarding the development between Catholics and Protestants; but it also makes it possible to highlight the consequences of the lack of a civic culture and liberal political awareness.
Latin America and Eastern Europe, more and more, have authoritarian, confessional, corrupt governments that fall into populism - simply to keep the political oligarchy united, but around Catholic and Christian religious groups.
As long as the nations with significant Catholic groups do not generate religious revolutions that generate ultra-liberalism of beliefs, as well as pacts of religion and tolerance, the necessary social differentiation for the free structuring of the political, economic and social fields will be inhibited. The Catholic-oriented Christian democracy remains in the organic and corporate society of the Middle Ages
The geopolitical strategy that Catholic nationalism promoted in Eastern Europe to confront communism and acquire territories for the dominion of the Catholic Church was successful in the dismantling of the USSR. However, in almost thirty years time, the region has not developed consolidated or mature democracies and, despite the regret of some analysts who exaggerate the virtues of Christian democracy, Mittleuropa is a pro-fascist region close to the far-right regimes in the early days of the twentieth century.
For several years, the text of Ilan Bizberg and Marcyn Fribes: Transitions to democracy. Lessons for Mexico, edited by Cal y Arena, was put to the consideration of the PAN groups, particularly El Yunque, as one of the models to guide the Mexican political transition. In the words of Frido Arias Kung, an attempt was made to bring the figure of Vicente Fox closer to Lech Walesa so that the condition of Catholic nationalism would serve as an impetus for regime change and historical rupture as in the experience of Eastern Europe. However, Mexico is not Poland and Hispanic Catholicism, as conservative as it pretends to be, does not come close to Polish Catholicism. It tries to imitate anti-Semitism and anti-communism, but the distance from the European experience and the Hispanic condition, designed a corrupt and corrupting model that little imitates the Polish historical dynamics.
There are many differences between the Polish and Hispanic experience. While Poland has a civil war with its Slavic first cousins - the Russians, in the Hispanic case, despite the fact that the recovery of the territories dominated by Islam took eight centuries, a process of interculturality was generated in the South of Spain that until the date does not want to be recognized by Spaniards who think they are direct descendants of Adolfo Hitler, even though they were born in Cholula (Puebla). Sefarad generated a strange multiculturalism that leads to distinguish the region of Europe and Christianity itself. Latin America is a great Sepharad. Transreligious Multicultural Populations. Perhaps these characteristics, strange elements, are what have inhibited the Polish experience.
Poland was generating a historical conflict with Russia, with all the racial, cultural and religious similarities. The Soviet communist rule, in an unjustified and totalitarian way, widened the gap and was a significant element in increasing the reserves that the region keeps against Russia.
The Spanish democratic transition was a space for negotiation and coexistence between the republican and monarchist factions that implemented the traditional Canovism of the ineffective Spanish ruling house. Although there is talk of national reconciliation and oblivion, the truth is that there is a historical space where, in a nicdemic way, the reformist and moderate sectors have been working.
The transition to democracy in Poland presents different characteristics. The Catholic Church had been establishing itself as the banner of national identity against Russian communism. Although it had its spaces for negotiation with the USSR, there was no attempt on the part of the Catholics to agree with the communists. In Poland there is a process of restructuring from the authentic civil society that fought for democracy, but which, over time, has resulted in the formation of far-right governments. By way of justification, Catholic nationalism remains in force as a defense mechanism against Russia, which, now, under the rule of Vladimir Putin, seeks to regain the geopolitical hegemony that characterized Russia during the Tsarist and Communist years.
Catholic Latin America does not have an enemy like Russia near here, if the United States opened its borders everyone would want to get involved. That is why Intermarium is a failed strategy of the Latin American right. The collaboration of Frido Arias Kung with the PAN and the democratic Christian identity movement of America, thus suggests it.
Populism, the political experience of Cuba, Nicaragua or Venezuela, are not at all compared to the USSR, China or North Korea, with everything and the shouting that the extreme right makes from Miami and Argentina. Left-wing governments in Latin America are innocuous against the imperialism of the Holy See and the United States. For the historian Loris Zanatta and the comparative Bertrand Badie, we are either conservative (right) or progressive (left) Catholic populists.
The Falklands War between Argentina and England is more important in regional identity than the Dirty War that was carried out against leftist or openly communist groups that were few, disorganized and without any external element of support. Cuba itself has experienced this orphanhood since the missile crisis in 1961. In the case of Mexico, at this point, only Samuel Huntington and George Friedman think of predicting a war between Mexico and the United States. Mexican integration into the United States is so obvious that, in addition to adopting Mickey Mouse's ears, the people would act as Panamanian society did in the invasion of that country to overthrow Manuel Noriega, a former collaborator of the CIA. Only the Argentines have used this rhetoric to confront the English.
The Intermarium in Latin America has served so that Catholic nationalists satisfy their desire to kill, viciously murdering communists, indigenous people, feminists, workers and, above all, students. And to co-govern with the communist snitches. The pact with the PRI organized crime has been made since the time of Manuel Ávila Camacho.
The economic, political and social indicators of Eastern Europe are not due to Christian democracy but to the geopolitical possibility of constituting itself as a strategy of Western culture against Russia and the Arab world.
Poland is characterized from Russia as the "Trojan Donkey" and, during the 20th century, the consequences of her behavior have not made her understand.
In the case of Mexico, the lesson from Eastern Europe should be: find an enemy as great as Russia, China or Islam so that North America and the Holy See grant their support to structural improvement.
While that happens, it only remains to maintain the behavior of the Latino or Hispanic world, fighting among themselves: the north against the south, the colorist, racist and social struggle of the castes, the struggle of a Hispanic Creole oligarchy against popular aspirationist groups, competition for corruption, emigration of marginalized groups to North America, etc., so that our societies have minimal income.
To put it more clearly, Spain, Portugal and Italy; they remain our anthropological limits. The Italian and Iberian peninsula, as well as Eastern Europe, are models of illiberal, Catholic, ineffective, blocked, Christian democracies close to fascism when conditions require it, liberal as far as the bishops and the social structure allow. Christian democracy is antagonistic to liberal democracies.
In Mexico, as in Spain, a nicodemic, Canoist, turncoat transition has taken place, where the fighting groups have become accustomed to agreeing to transas, to migrate and to change their party jacket at the most opportune moment. The only verb that knows how to conjugate Mexican politics, is the one that Martín Luis Guzmán puts in the mouth of Olivier Fernández, avatar of Jorge Prieto Laurens (Catholic Nationalist, anti-communist, collaborator of the CIA, founder of the Tecos y Yunque) is backgammon, betray, get up early. And the man who gets up early, you know who he is.
(JAJ) José Alfredo Jiménez. Mexican singer-songwriter from Dolores Hidalgo, Guanajuato
