The Cancellation of Plan B

 The cancellation of Plan B

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The conflict between the neoliberal faction that is represented in the PRIANRD polypartisan pragmatic alliance and the political project of the Fourth Transformation, has taken an extreme difference in regard to the dispute over the INE. While the neoliberals bet on maintaining the electoral structure that bogs down the Mexican political transition in a delegative democracy, Lopezobradorismo gains in popular sympathy and confirms before society the hypothesis of institutional autonomy as a reference of the factual powers. The cancellation of Plan B does not contribute to weakening President López Obrador; Quite the contrary, in front of the bulk of the population he is transformed into a republican and nationalist Caesar who could count -if the polarizing spirit continues- with the social support to promote a reform that removes the hindrances of the old Mexican regime.

Delegative democracies lock the countries that maintain them in vicious circles. According to Guillermo O'Donnell, a sultanist government like that of Rafael Moreno Valle in Puebla and a progressive democrat like that of José Mújica fit into this context. The question is that the quality indicators of democracy, human development, economic growth, competitiveness, human rights and, above all, accountability; they are always on the decline, that is, failed.

Does defending the INE mean protecting Delegative Democracy? Of course. The trajectory of the Federal Electoral Institute and later of the INE, are accomplices and responsible for the delegative democracy that has made the interregnum between the old and the old regime in the country eternal. Critics of Morenista populism do not want to understand that they are the cause of radicalized social movements that destabilize the Mexican political system due to the meager results of neoliberal governance.

The exponential growth of vulnerability and the precariat in Mexico explains the arrival of the Fourth Transformation. Why does the PRIANRD defend a senile institution like the INE that no longer adjusts to the democratic challenges that Mexico faces in a post-covid world? Does the PRIANRD hope that the cycle of delegative democracy will last as long as the hegemonic dominance of the old Official Party? It seems that it is so.

Luis Carlos Ugalde has been one of the media references to observe the process that the debate regarding the INE has followed. The joke is only told, they say out there. But it is worrying that in addition to using the most retrograde forms, the defenders of the INE are also interested in polarizing as much as possible. They say they don't want civil war, are they sure?

Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

 Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

During the Mexican political transition, partisan turncoat has been the common behavior of many PRI cadres that have found a place in recent and incompetent political parties to form and train their own cadres. From the PAN, through the PVEM and the rest of the parties collect everything; The traditional PRI has been cloned, disguised or infiltrated. The PRI did not have the destiny of the hegemonic parties and, even, of the State, but of the dominant parties. That is to say, those who tend to form new slogans or tendencies and who consolidate in new political institutes the personalist or ideological fractions of the previous partisan institute. Now we are governed by PRI members of all political parties -as Granados Chapa pointed out-, or the PRI with its different personalist and ideological tendencies.

Senator Alejandro Armenta represents the political clique of Governor Mario Marín Torres. Even when it is stated that personalist political groups tend to be volatile and get involved in different adventures of collaborative factionalism depending on the historical context, the truth is that the links and political networks remain. What is recognized in the characters that add up and are incorporated into the electoral mechanisms that support armentism. The rotation of the political elites in Mexico, and in Puebla, obeys more to the course of the rotation of cliques than the alternation of political parties.

The political turncoat is a sign that there is a serious condition in the health of political parties. Although partisan migration was seen as a normal and healthy process in the evolution of the political transition, the truth is that it was defined in such a way in a temporary and not constant format. The permanence of the turncoat has deinstitutionalized the parties and, above all, the public function. The cliques replace the parties, which increases the margin of action of the invisible power and patrimonial behavior, true harmful elements of democracy and authority.

Puebla is experiencing a civic disease that is manifested in the characters with the greatest chance of reaching the governorship in 2024. Politics is the result of the collusion raised by the power cliques and, well, the results, indices and indicators are known to all. During the last decade, the quality of democracy in the state has been non-existent.

Morena in Puebla has no chance of electoral triumph if it is not with defecting cliques, the same happened with the first alternating government in the entity's history. But to what extent is so much turncoat healthy? Who is right in the dispute over leadership? How long will the political parties be real in Puebla?

The old regime and Puebla

 The old regime and Puebla

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The inconsistency of the Puebla Morenista government with the principles of the Fourth Transformation in Mexico has ceased to be a novelty. The entity lives a dark PRI night in the transition under the PAN and Morenista franchise. The indicators that evaluate the quality of democracy have plummeted during most of the alternating governments and are now in the standards of null certification. The PRI turncoat to the different political parties that have occupied the state government and the insertion of PRI collaborators in alternating governments, characterize the serious crisis of cadres that exists in parties other than the PRI as well as the lack of preparation or, outright , absolute incompetence in non-PRI militancy.

A few decades ago, when the PRI/system had heart attacks that anticipated the crisis of the regime of the Mexican revolution, Manuel Camacho Solís pointed out the excess of political empiricism and the lack of project and political ideology in the PRI members of the eighties in the Last century. Faced with the end of the Cold War and the beginning of globalization, it was necessary to technocratically renew the government and develop a new political doctrine in the face of the vulgar empiricism of the last generations that distinguished the PRI class. A little earlier, Daniel Cosío Villegas showed the exhaustion of authoritarian governance and coarseness that characterized Shared Development.

How valid the arguments of Manuel Camacho Solís and Daniel Cosío Villegas to understand the alternating state governments in Puebla! Only the PRI has political cadres to run the government! The other political parties are a hesitation that does not even reach a dark shadow. That is why Puebla is governed by PRI members of all political parties, the opposition to the PRI is simply annulled. PRI empiricism, no matter how vulgar and ordinary it may be represented, is the only way of effective governance in the face of chaos: an order at whatever cost.

The different spaces that parties other than the PRI have occupied at the municipal and state levels of authority are characterized by extreme disability. Now, the fear of alternating governments to the social movements that legitimately return to the streets to demand attention, well-being and spaces, impels the present government to return to PRI authoritarian governance. Before it was with the PAN Morenovallismo and now with the Morenista barboism, the incompetence overwhelms its dependencies and that is why PRI members are urgently needed.

Loyalty arguments to affirm and support characters from the old regime (better bad for known than good for knowing), are more incredible especially since most of the collaborators are defectors. How big is the betrayal, disloyalty and incompetence in the militancy of the other parties that it is necessary to return to the PRI?

The social, economic and political indicators that fail Puebla show us the type of public official who has been empowered by political alternation, but also holds society accountable; Every people has the government it deserves. What is the reason that President López Obrador does not pay a little attention to Puebla? Marta Eugenia García Ugarte finds the reasons in the extreme conservatism of Puebla.

The invasion of the narcorepública by the narco empire

 The invasion of the narcorepública by the narco empire

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The alleged US invasion of Mexico is a more than urgent need. The point is that the war must begin in the south of the American Union, particularly in states like Texas, Florida, Arizona or California.

Although the levels of violence have increased notably in the country, the case of Genaro García Luna illustrates that the bosses of the mafia and the real bosses of the cartels have established their centers of financing and economic power in North America, taking with them a large number of people, workers and hit men. Returning to George Friedman, Mexican drug companies have moved to North America, perhaps to conquer from there their share of the US market or to integrate with their Yankee partners.

The crisis of neoliberalism led to the fact that for a long time the caciques, cartel leaders, hitmen, accountants, traffickers and, in general, powerful men and women in drug trafficking structures, live comfortably in the southern United States, camouflaged as decent people and businessmen, they live in the neighborhoods, traffic lights, churches and prestigious restaurants with the bulk of the WASP population. The washing machines are, like García Luna's industries, on that side. It is necessary for the United States to throw all its weapons -including nuclear weapons- and have the greatest number of military troops available against the drug trafficking groups, but it is important to consider that these groups have moved to North America and from there they fluently manage the various businesses that strengthen their economic power and control structures over Mexico.

The conviction of the United States to seize Mexico is historic, it is not surprising because that is how it stole Texas and Northern Mexico, with strategies and forms full of abuse and cruelty. From a distance, nothing can oppose the purpose of the Yankee Empire now, since the condition of a Failed State that leaks everywhere is the main characteristic of a Mexicanness that, it is important to repeat, has its main mafia solidarity system in the south of USA.

The resources available to Mexico to defend itself count for nothing. Instead, the country must be cautious and allow the United States to intervene to subdue dissident groups in various regions. Northern Mexico no longer has any condition of governability and in several municipalities the power of organized crime is reflected in the families that have historically dominated their regions. The north of Mexico, which is the south of the United States, does not distinguish between Texas and Tamaulipas, for example, the attacks, settling of scores, levels of extreme violence, etc.; They are common.

Capitalism due to underdevelopment stimulates violence and informality, there are not always opportunities for North America to try to contribute to the formal governance of the country. Hence, the initiative of the American Republicans must be taken with courage and expect the strict attention of their armed forces. Hopefully they are more capable than General John Pershing, because we already know how punitive expeditions end. If the United States comes to liberate the regions controlled by drug traffickers and caciques, they are welcome; However, if they are only going to select new mercenaries, then drugs will continue to poison the youth of the United States, and the appearance of Mexamerica that will wipe out Mexico and the United States will be a reality in order to have full autonomy and the right of force to poison everyone. the world.

The Mexican Episcopate and its defense of the INE-Habsburg

 The Mexican Episcopate and its defense of the INE-Habsburg

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Democracy via competitive elections in Mexico, the long voted transition, died because it did not produce any improvement for the country, specifically of not influencing or certifying the development of the quality of democracy. After 2006, what has become evident is that the electoral arena is part of the bureaucratic patrimonialism that does not want to change and that, in the face of the crisis in the post-covid world, does not understand the need to rebuild the national state. The INE/IFE strengthened discretion, concerted concessions, caciquil feuderalism and corruption. The electoral route was only enough for the delegative democracies that produce so much ungovernability in Latin America, the electoral advisers -especially after Woldenberg- never worried about developing the bases of liberal capitalist democracy in society and, above all, in the rulers. The INE/IFE represents the democratic failure in Mexico.

In order to analyze the intervention of the CEM in what transcends the INE, it is important to observe the way in which PLAN B affects the interests of the prelates and clerical bureaucracy. What affects the country's important religious leaders is that the electoral reform harms the golden bureaucracies -including that of the INE- and takes away the space of influence for the organizations and intellectuals of the Mexican right. The intransigent catholicity tries to maintain its territories of influence, those that allow it to lobby and manage the evolution of the country. Some of the INE advisers maintain important links with the geopolitical purposes of the Holy See, but also with the economic classes that benefited from the neoliberal model. Lorenzo Córdova represents what Latin American sociologists call the “Habsburg Model”, that is, the feudal, patrimonial, caciquil order, based on the Iberian caste system and, above all, on the exploitation of an impoverished mass sustained by hunger. millennial. And don't you understand the reasons why populism has a Latin American patent? Loris Zannata, in the UNAM magazine, explains the deep roots of Jesuit populism. Catholicism is as populist, or more, than AMLO; with a difference, lopezobradorismo seeks to regenerate the Mexican State and catholicity only thinks of the Spiritual Absolutism of the Holy Roman Germanic Empire that, sometimes, not even the Habsburgs themselves understand, as is the case of the poor Austrian fool they brought to Mexico to promote another Counter-Reformation.

During the long electoral transition the political capital of the Catholic Church was extended to too many institutions of the Mexican political system; furthermore, the interventionist nature of the Holy See's uncompromising integral Catholicism is felt in various quarters. Morena's reform seeks to separate the INE from the powers that be. Hence the complaint from the high bureaucrats of the Mexican Catholic clergy, who are defending their fields and do not want to lose capital, influence and budget.

The political scientist Fredo Arias Kung has established critical paths to Christian democracy in Latin America and particularly in Mexico for its inability and complicity to inhibit a liberal, capitalist and modern society. The ecclesiastical bureaucracy in Mexico is linked to oligarchs, drug traffickers, abusive businessmen, caciques, authoritarianism and populism: Were Onésimo Cepeda and Marcial Maciel interested in the question of democracy? One only has to trace a little in the lineage of the high clergy to understand their attachment to the Habsburg Model of the Feudalist Treasury. The Ecclesiastical Bureaucracy and the Christian democracy are the least interested in a democratic transition; indeed, the historical ruptures would annul their capacity for intervention, management and manipulation.

The CEM uses the political thought of Catholic nationalism attached more to fascism than to democracy, they do not care that the country develops, but that Mexico continues under their control. Even in the CEM, political thought prior to the Second Vatican Council prevails and they don't even come close to learning what Mario Bergoglio seeks to change global Catholicism. The CEM's defense of the INE will be respectable when they first address Pope Francis and Liberation Theology.

Around 1924, the Delahuertista rebellion -supported by the high clergy- ended up causing a more than deep division in the armed forces and, at the same time, the influence of the United States in matters of political succession. Subsequently, the Mexican bishops manipulated the Cristero conflict to enter the political system and cohabit with the Revolutionary Family, a coexistence that they continued until they reached power in 2000 to consolidate the Habsburg Model of society and avoid democratic consolidation. The advantage in the neoliberal model was for the right; However, as Arias Kung says, they were not interested in an authentic democracy, they did not seek ruptures or transformations so that Mexico would change politically, socially and economically. Neoliberalism deepened bureaucratic patrimonialism for the benefit of the exterior; now, revolutionary nationalism only tries to compensate the impoverished masses and the state historically. It is fair and necessary.

Isn't that Claudia? Is it Augustus?

 Isn't that Claudia? Is it Augustus?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Since 1994, the President of the Republic is subject to clear rules on succession within his political institute, that is, the designation of the candidate who intends to extend the domain of a partisan administration; However, one of the most current myths in our country is Tapadism, that is, the idea that the President chooses a successor in the candidate of his organization: the successor, who prepares with great care, and who occupies the thought of the commentators, who describe it in a generic way due to its invisibility. This political game complicates matters and is a sign of what it takes to have a civic political culture.

Once the alternation arrived in Mexico, the practice of tapadism has also been a temptation for the PAN and now for Morena. For this party, the hope of imposing the successor, or successor, seems to falter before the wear and tear of the internal struggle, which is beginning to be perceived in the government results and its corruption with political clientelism.

For some groups, the failure of Claudia Sheinbaum's candidacy and the spectacular appearance of Adán Augusto López, a native of Tabasco, like the President, and member of a family linked to power, is more than evident. The head of government and her presidential aspirations, on her part, begin to diminish thanks to her erratic administration as head of government of CDMX and the lack of political independence in the face of opposition media attacks.

Adán Augusto, like other secretaries of the interior who have reached the country's first magistracy, has begun to govern early, with the permission of the executive, in many matters and with little criticism to his credit, except for the repeated provocations of a brother of the President, who insists on supporting Sheinbaum.

An authoritarian culture tends to pay tribute to strong leaders who achieve their objectives even if they are wrong, acting promptly by defining specific objectives. This is how the behavior of the government secretary is understood, who well understands the role of being the subject closest to AMLO.

The President will have no other option than to allow the person who has developed the governance mechanisms to pass. But this behavior has not always been a reflection of the ideas of the Fourth Transformation, from which Adán Augusto López seems to be further removed than Marcelo Ebrard and, perhaps for this reason, the Secretary of the Interior captivates and cultivates the affections of AMLO's opponents. . In any case, Adán Augusto will be the most practical candidate and at times the most rational of the prospects despite his progressivism.

Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

 Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although it is true that an important tendency of the National Action Party is identified with a foolproof civilism, even this commitment cannot be removed from the historical reality of the country. A few decades ago, when the possibilities of presidential alternation loomed, Carlos Castillo Peraza reflected on a Pact of Oblivion regarding the regime of the Mexican revolution and the importance of modifying the lyrics of the National Anthem to project peace and harmony that distinguishes a democratic context. again regimen. However, although this way of reflecting on the country's political course dispensed with the authoritarianism exercised by the Official Party -especially in its military aspect- it did not detract from the centrality of the armed forces.

Symbols are symbols, they signify and resignify, reinterpret and feed the search for meaning. In political culture it is a basic lesson. Santiago Creel's conduct allows us to glimpse his conservative, pro-Yankee and feudal latifundista lineage. Mexican politicians are a time machine; the Fourth Transformation is accused of trying to restore the regime of the Mexican revolution, but Creel wants to build a North American neo-Porfirismo.

The Mexican Army, particularly the one that is the product of the Mexican Revolution, has performed the most noble and heroic tasks in recent years. The Armed Forces are the true Revolutionary Family that supported the existence of the country with pins in the most voracious century of US geopolitics. The sacred work of sacrifice is the daily sphere of the Mexican military, especially since the PAN launched them into a war with their hands tied and for the benefit of North American imperialism. At least, due to the river of blood spilled corresponding to thousands of Mexican soldiers, it is not at all questionable that the national arms can accompany the patriotic flag wherever it is, the Mexican military are the only ones that can carry the national flag with dignity, contrary to many other Mexicans, mainly politicians.

I disagree with Carlos Castillo Peraza, the National Anthem should not be modified one iota. Mexican nationalism has a lot of homework to do for an incomprehensible country that, despite everything, moves, advances and - paradoxically - slowly recovers what imperialist pirates stole from it in the past.

When the PAN was the party of the long march, it could not bear any affront to the patriotic flag. In the political demonstrations called and not infrequently repressed, he demanded reparation -With the march of the armed forces!- to the Mexican flags that they used to demand the cancellation of electoral fraud. And yes, they were right. So then, what does the Mexican Army mean for the PAN? Are the armed forces only admirable when they are at the service of the anti-communists? Wouldn't it be more dignified for the PAN to recognize that it sent the Mexican Army into a suicidal war on instructions? from the United States? In that Kafkaesque Mexicanness, Genaro García Luna is being more coherent in acknowledging that in all his miserable performance he only obeyed orders, from the gringos! Why doesn't Santiago Creel propose himself, along with Eduardo Verástegui, as candidates for the presidency of the United States of America?

The false criticism that Santiago Creel wants to make of Mexican militarism is going to result in something worse. He did not defend any sovereignty, he committed one of the most serious institutional contempts against the Mexican soldier, the Mexican revolution and, let's be honest, the national soldier who represents a racial stereotype marginalized by individuals like Santiago Creel and Lorenzo Córdova, what a coincidence his work and mentality in electoral bodies! That is what political-political democratic fundamentalism is for, to unprotect the few dignified and authentic symbols that this country has left. The former secretary of the interior and unsuccessful candidate for the PAN presidential candidacy reveals his racism, classism and aporophobia. Maybe if the US Embassy sent him an escort, he wouldn't hesitate to accept it complete with guns (or missiles and tanks like Zelensky). Or would he also prefer some Hooters Cheerlaeders to please his Super Bowl-loving crowd?