Texcaltitlán: rebellion and succession

 Texcaltitlán: rebellion and succession

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Extortion is a daily phenomenon in Mexico, as in many cases regarding the crime, those responsible are members of the immediate environment and family members; However, the greater presence of different drug trafficking cartels implies a greater siege on communities when the sources of criminal activity change. Michoacán, Guerrero, Veracruz, Tamaulipas, Puebla and Chiapas are examples of the way in which organized crime has been an ally of neo-extractivism and voracious capitalism; undertakings that are marked by imperialism. The communities have known that they have been extorted since the time of the Aztecs and little has changed the situation.

Extortion is a crime that is rarely punished in the country because the authorities do not have the infrastructure that allows them to coerce individuals to inhibit such actions. The idea that local governments cannot do anything about crimes of this type sounds more like complicity than anything else. And, therefore, the communities know that only rebellion manages to mobilize the force to stop – temporarily – the abuse of criminal organizations. In the past it was the temporary guerrillas that were harshly repressed by the governments of the hegemonic party, then the appearance of the Zapatista National Liberation Army drew the world's attention to the abusive Mexican social structure and, now, lynchings are the form of struggle that communities encounter to survive. In short, little improves the vision of things. Extortioners are growing and communities are faced with the dilemma of emigrating or fighting to stay.

The informal economy is the ideal space for extortion. In our country this arena is untouchable, and it also involves a large number of savage liberals who fight against the law and any public authority; That is why the authorities prefer the collusion and corruption that comes with compacting with this type of actors.

Nobody knows how to control the power of the informal economy, the truth is that it takes influence in many areas and imposes itself, it does not request authorization nor is it interested in government protection. It is in the informal economy where we find true Latin American liberalism. This is probably why the informal sector constantly resorts to violence, such as lynchings and discretionary justice. In supply centers, the streets, agriculture or emigration, you can find these networks that get involved in different fields and even try to colonize the bureaucratic and formal sector. Corruption begins when informality is allowed as a dominant exercise.

The conflicts are incrementalist in the informal space and are seen as a fight against the government when there is no longer the possibility of regulating what happens there.

In the immediate past, the authority came to establish agreements with organized crime groups; However, with the arrival of feudalism in 2000, the governors made agreements with the informal economy and were not responsible for phenomena such as drug trafficking, fuel theft, femicides, kidnappings, robberies or fraud. The public ministry agencies simply do not even have photocopiers to understand what is happening and the state and municipal governments can only say that the federal government must respond to the different types of crimes that are being experienced.

The message is clear: the Federation must intervene in a more radical way in state and local governments if lynchings, revolutions and rebellions are to be avoided; which in many cases are fully justified. It is not about attacking the communities to violate them more, the Federation has to control the state chiefdoms, the governors and regional de facto powers that have become radically anarchic.

The message of the lynching is that the communities are no longer willing to tolerate organized crime, but what follows is that they stop believing in the political class and implies that, soon, they will rebel against the politicians they consider synonymous with the cartels, when not, allies. Texcaltitlán could be the Cuchillo Parado or Tomochic that begins to pose challenges to a Federation incapable of demanding its governors to take care of their communities and avoid agreeing with organized crime.

The candidates for the presidency of the republic must urgently design a more intelligent agenda for the fight against crime; before Donald Trump decides to bomb the rural areas of the country or intervene in Mexico to defeat the drug cartels. Above all, before the communities decide to rebel against politics and bet on violence that increases the low intensity war that the country has institutionalized. Applying the law can be a good start, and also stop tolerating politicians openly linked to violent, bossy or downright criminal groups.

Samuel García and the dinosaurs of succession

 Samuel García and the dinosaurs of succession

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although it is important to note that the Rule of Law was not complied with in Nuevo León due to the contradictions between the Local Congress and the head of the Executive Branch Samuel García, more significant for the country's citizens is the fact that the PRIANRD monopolizes political participation and that Xochitl Gálvez does not have a trigger to jump, a little, in the polls.

The mission of the red circle and the traditional political forces that make up the Broad Front for Mexico dedicated themselves, heart and soul, to sabotaging the probable presidential candidacy of the young governor of Nuevo León; and they got it. The Frente Amplio understood that, if it did not destroy Samuel García, there was a good chance that Senator Gálvez would drop to third place in the electoral polls in a short time. And the campaign against the Citizen Movement was successful.

Does the defeat of Samuel García have a nuclear effect towards Morena? It does not seem so in the immediate interpretation; In fact, recent demographic samples continue to show a wide advantage for Claudia Sheinbaum over the FAM. The fall of Samuel García constitutes a pyrrhic triumph for the PRIANRD because it consolidates the anti-AMLO sympathizer sector; Although López Obrador has nothing to do with the presidential candidate Fosfo Fosfo and Movimiento Ciudadano, on the contrary, López Obrador welcomed the participatory inclusion of a new trend in the presidential competition. However, the authoritarian and non-plural attitude of the political bloc led by Claudio

It is a paradox that the polarization so exhibited by the PRIANRD as López Obrador's daily weapon, is now constituted as the preferred playing field for the Frente Amplio. It has been accused that polarization puts the country on the course of a civil war, or class struggle as the right and left like to say, but it is an electoral approach that can serve different purposes, for example, boosting candidates who are lagging behind.

It is clear that the high polarization is from the PRIANRD, since the beginning of the six-year term it is manifested in the aporophobia, classism and anti-communism of the traditional political forces; That is, after the fall of Samuel García, it will be used as a preferred strategy to oppose Morenoism and develop convincing arguments against the Fourth Transformation.

Polarization is the preferred tool of the right, and after the victory of Javier Milei in Argentina, it is highly probable that Xochitl Gálvez, Eduardo Verástegui and other opponents - for example, the red circle - will develop desperate strategies to violate and polarize the electorate. so that they bring down highly positioned candidates. Nuevo León may seem like a taco in front of dinner, but it counts.

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition. The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles.

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition.

There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico.

Within the studies that tried to understand the prevailing logic of cohesion and discipline in the PRI that strengthened the Hegemonic Party model, political scientist Joy Langston can be located.

Is it budgetary or presidential power that incentivizes cliques to cooperate? What allows a party to develop the classification of participation under the principle: “within the system everything, even impunity; outside the system, ostracism, repression and death”? The CIDE professor considered that the control of public administration at all levels imposed the availability of jobs and patrimonialism that showed the rationality of remaining in a political monopoly and avoiding confrontation.

The idea is correct in several ways; However, with the need for economic openness and adaptability to the contexts generated by globalization, collaborative factionalism was exhausted.

Closed authoritarian models came to an end when the United States won the Cold War, open societies were the neoliberal axis of Western globalization.

The crisis of liberal democracy has allowed the return of collaborative factionalism and the possibility of authoritarianism.

It is true that Mexico has not managed to transition to an open society and that the obstacles of its political culture persist as an adaptive and functional colonialism to North American imperialism; Therefore, the convergence of multiple actors in Morena resembles the wild card device that the PRI meant.

Our country constitutes a tributary state of the United States and the toll grants licenses of all kinds to the ruling class.

The possibility that Morena will be established with the triumph of the presidency, governorships and various legislative and municipal executive spaces, has summoned partisan immigration in a high and significant proportion.

Neither the PRI nor the PAN caused partisan ruptures and abandonments in the post-Zedillism presidential experiences as National Regeneration is doing now.

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition.

The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles.

The PRI empowered a political clique dedicated to political espionage because there was no other way to exercise control and discipline.

The secret police of the traditional Mexican political system ended up being disloyal to the institutions of the national state and subordinated itself to North American interests.

The route of electoral profitability and pragmatism is the shortest path for Morena to end up being the icing on the cake PRI.

  National does not have corporations, bases or structure to confront the political operators of the chiefs and turncoat politicians who now cry crocodile tears over the social issue.

What guarantees loyalty and discipline to the next president of Mexico when these feudal barons are governors?

Morena's progressivism and left seem to have established themselves only in CDMX, with notable risks in the face of a hostile environment of electoral realignment.

The pure Morenistas outside the country's capital have been marginalized and even persecuted by the regional chiefs who managed to acquire the candidacies for the state executive.

More than a scenario of divided government, there is a regime of ungovernability and blockade of the federation, Morena must abandon its progressive and nationalist agenda to converge with regional interests that have always been conservative and oligarchic.

There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico.

The analysis of the time variable allows us to understand that Morena does not have the organizational or political capacity that the Official Party achieved.

It is positive that AMLO does not behave as did General Plutarco Elías Calles or General Lázaro Cárdenas, the problem lies in the fact that the regions continue to be governed by Maximino Ávila Camacho and Gonzalo N. Santos now with greater power, violence, cynicism and impunity .

The decomposition of the Mexican political system only promoted federalism to which Morena seems to pay vassalage and govern it.

Rather than collaborative factionalism, National Regeneration employs collaborative and circumstantial chiefdom to manage a transition that is being conducted without meaning.

Trumpism and the boycott of the Mexican succession

Trumpism and the boycott of the Mexican succession

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Although Donald Trump has insisted on a friendly relationship with his socialist friend from the south, it is significant that the mass communication monopolies in Mexico are legitimizing in advance the triumph of the American Republican and seeking to accommodate their oligarchic interests in the agenda of the probable American Caesar.

A divided election scenario with a high degree of competitiveness and uncertainty is the one that points to the United States; not to Mexico.

However, different electoral institutions, business organizations and red circle analysts affirm – irresponsibly – that the Mexican elections have a scenario of social polarization above that of the United States.

Despite the fact that PRIANRD's own pollsters have parametrized MORENA's advantage and AMLO's approval as factors that configure a peaceful succession favorable to the former Head of the CDMX Government Claudia Sheinbaum, there is a vile intention to point out the Mexican elections as problematic.

The Broad Front for Mexico has only been established as an exaltation of ineptitude and its dark campaign against the election for the presidency of Mexico means the biggest mistake; although, unfortunately, it ends up harming the entire society.

Conservatives have always looked abroad for military force to make up for the lack of support among the Mexican people.

This occurred in French and North American interventions throughout the 19th and 20th centuries; It is not strange that Claudio

The arguments regarding the supposed communism of the Fourth Transformation do not hold up; However, the issue of drug trafficking and insecurity makes sense when organized crime cells multiply, scenes of violence extend to most of the national territory and Morena is not immunized against narcopolitics.

Contemporary history is full of cases where legitimate governments, democratically elected and with broad social support, are overthrown by the enemies of the country supported by foreign forces; especially North Americans.

Mexico has followed this drama at least five times.

Is Claudia Sheinbaum safe from a conservative coup? Of course not.

Popular bases, military support and pragmatic alliances are not enough.

Morena is not the PRI, Mexico has not achieved the national unity of some Latin American countries that have faced imperialism with dignity.

Calles and Cárdenas inhibited invasions and coups against Mexico directed from the United States through arduous work in international relations.

Callismo, as reported by the investigations of Martha Loyo and Manola Álvarez, exposed the vileness of the North American ambassador James Rockwell Sheffield to generate a war against Mexico and seize the oil.

Cardenism had the giant Vicente Lombardo Toledano to externalize the Nazism of the national right, the abandonment of the civilized world to the democratic Spanish republic and the sympathy of North Americans for the destruction of the USSR.

Morena must expose to the world the narco empire that the United States represents and the dishonesty that it deprives of its intelligence apparatus.

Morena has made terrible mistakes based on electoral profitability.

It is true that in a context like the Mexican one, the politician who does not steal flies; However, militants have been appointed to public positions that justify foreign interventionism.

Electoral support counts for nothing in the face of North American imperialism, they themselves constitute a semi-sovereign people who hand over the will to power to a plutocracy.

Do the turncoat PRI members believe that it is enough to buy votes in North America to change the direction of the Electoral College?

Donald Trump is increasingly convinced of a military intervention in Mexico to replenish his country's economy and prolong a war that allocates profits to the pentagonism that he cannot obtain in distant conflagrations.

As in the 19th century, Mexico will be the sparring partner of Yankee imperialism with the full approval of conservatives.

The abandonment of Xóchitl Gálvez's electoral campaign is explained by the PRI lobbying with Donald Trump and the pragmatic Morenoist fool.

Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses?

 Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Morena's internal processes have been highly questioned by the inconsistency between state committees and national leadership. He has called the attention that the principles of gender parity, political pragmatism and acclamation popular; They have mixed opportunistically to legitimize the candidatesselected. The result scales in the perception of internal processes debated and poorly sanitized, John Ackerman - for example - only admits that four candidates for state governments of Morena are related to the principles of the fourth transformation, the others show the severe conflict that Morena has between its tendencies and the pragmatism of its leaders.

Although Morena has not been able to institutionalize itself as a political party, and much less like the hegemonic party that was the PRI, the approach to the political model of the Cath All Party close to what the Party has done Democrat in the United States. While the Republicans intend to demonstrate and propose wasp puritanism in the candidates and policies that shape their action political-ideological; The case of the Democrats is interesting to think about as party catches everything, potty, dustpan and even pragmatist; because he has contacts with multiple actors that are accommodating to their different platforms and conjunctures of government. Morena has been feeding on a political transfuguism that justifies as good faith and God-fearing partisan migration; but, deep down, it is adopt any type of profile that decides to support the electoral profitability of the motion.

There is no rebellion of the masses as some academics and nostalgic for populist socialism, agreements between factions and territorial political operators that Joy Langston called “Factionalism” Collaborator". It is true that it can last a long time, as the PRI did during the stage of the Hegemonic Party; However, Morena is not the PRI but a movement strange of expansive networks from the Cardenista Liberation Movement National and PRI groups expelled during the era of neoliberalism.

Morena's internal processes only demonstrate the ineffable vocation for chaos that Mexican politics has. Collaborative Factionalism is sterile in the stage current crisis of political parties, the chiefs do not change their convictions and the Chambista opportunism is historic in our political culture. Factionalism is not contributes to the institutionality. It is noted that political parties such as we knew in Mexico tend to disappear and perspective is imposed American in a moderately fragmented bipolarism where the only ideology that persists on the conservative right, Morena will become a political wild card that will try to resemble the PRI and try to stabilize Mexican politics for another six-year term.

In Puebla, for example, the criterion of gender charity, as political scientist Pablo Majluf has called it, was not applied and this allowed Alejandro Armenta Mier to rise as the representative of the Fourth Transformation to succeed the current state government.

Armenta is a sign that Morena has become an all-out party, unfortunately this implies pragmatism at the highest level and the abandonment of any ideology. One of the main internal critics of Morenism, John Ackerman, only congratulated four gubernatorial candidates and conceded that the others had nothing to do with the principles of the Fourth Transformation.

The overlapping political decisions of the National Committee to the State Political Council of Puebla are simply not understood; The interpretation of imposition or negotiation indicates that Moreno's internal processes are highly questionable. If Morena is in the process of becoming a Catch All Party – as Viri Ríos says – immoral agreements are admitted as ex officio bureaucracy.

Among the Morenoist candidates questioned by his profile, Senator Alejandro Armenta is identified; But, in addition to his clear distance from the progressivism of the 4T, his membership in the Marinista clique makes it disconcerting that Claudia Sheinbaum – like Miguel Barbosa at the time – requires the regional support of this faction and its electoral structure to get votes. Marinism once again hits the nerves of a Puebla left that cannot get voters.

Although, observing the transformation of marinismo in the last ten years, there are probably other types of agreements that go beyond the territorial electoral operation.

Researcher Mauricio Saldaña Rodríguez from ICGDE-BUAP, former collaborator and security advisor at the Ministry of Public Security in Puebla, has presented some highly qualified studies regarding organized crime in the entity.

One of the main records of the researcher attached to the Institute of Government Sciences regarding the rates produced by crime is called EXECUTOMETER, which shows the record progress that intentional homicides related to crime have had; More than 500 are expected by the end of this year. The most significant thing is that Doctor Saldaña Rodríguez has pointed out the transversality of the circle that surrounds Senator Alejandro Armenta with the dispute that different organized crime groups have for the control of various criminal activities in the entity.

What type of candidates is Morena proposing? If there is no coordination between the National Executive Committee and the State Political Council of National Regeneration, at least there is coherence. In a country like Mexico, it is increasingly difficult to separate crime and politics. Puebla has been one of the states with the most electoral violence in recent years and, apparently, this is not going to change.

The late Miguel Barbosa pointed out a strange criminal force that constitutes the invisible power in the entity and that does not allow the dynamics of change; Finally, Barbosism gave way to the inertia of the Puebla muegano and Marinismo could regain power in the entity thanks to the restructuring of the de facto and invisible powers. The marinism that was once betrayed by local powers to achieve alternation, is now recycled to inhibit progressive transformation; So far it has been very successful in this purpose.

The indicators of democratic quality remain unchanged for the entity; along the floors, and will remain uneven for a long time. It is a Mexican custom to neglect parametric studies; however, despite the bad faith of politicians, there are academics who do not lose hope in data and measurements. Other university studies that few read and even fewer understand coincide with Saldaña Rodríguez; but they are explanatory of a Puebla that is seen as Sinaloa, Zacatecas or Guanajuato.

José Antonio Crespo has questioned Morena's pacts with politicians with questionable track records. How much will Marinismo affect Claudia Sheinbaum? At the time of the political crisis that the collaborators of Mario Marín's government resolved with cynicism and impunity, more than sixty percent of the population requested the removal of the state government. What happy accounts does Mario Delgado have to consider that fifteen years are enough to forget? Will Alejandro Armenta's reputation harm Claudia Sheinbaum? The CEN Morenista does not seem to care; But one thing is certain, the composition of Armentismo benefits the local right in various ways. It is certain that the anti-marinism that persists in the metropolitan areas of the entity will generate an electoral realignment for the candidates of the Broad Front for Mexico.

Armenta represents the decline of the Puebla left. The internal differences between the September 23 communist league were always between the rural and urban aspects of the implementation of communism.

Due to the historical speed of Mexico and colonialism, a proletariat has never been consolidated; the socialist revolution can only come from above, as revolutionary nationalism attempted at the time. The most effective guerrillas always sought to eliminate chiefdoms and commit direct actions against the structural devices representative of bourgeois hegemony; Few were brave, the PRI's military and cooptation power was relentless.

In the end, the left of multiple action was the one that prevailed and survives camouflaged as a Guadalupana communist PRI. The old snitching communists smile when they remember the assaults on soft drink and fried food trucks, but there is no happiness comparable to the cooptation that occurred in the golden era of the PRI.

The urban-rural dichotomy poses a two-way internal colonialism. The cities develop the economic structures for the nation to subsist and the countryside provides the material geographic elements of oligarchic power. Treasury and cacicazgo are synonyms that explain political leadership in Mexico; even the business sector could not survive without practicing latifundism, which implies a savings account for times of scarcity.

However, neither the countryside nor the city abandons poverty, people barely survive and, therefore, the formation of civic and political bases is impossible; clientelism is the only logic of mobilization. The leader who best manipulates political clientelism has the legitimacy of patrimonialism.

Colonialism justifies the informal economy and the absence of the state, the Metropolis determines the flow and dynamics of the dominated regions. Puebla has become extremely functional for North American imperialism, which explains the dominance of Alejandro Armenta Mier; But he still misses Morena's transfer.

Political Entrepreneurship

 Political Entrepreneurship

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

According to Maurice Duverger, partisan perspectives in electoral systems with a majority tendency lean toward bipartisanship or bipolarism. Probably from this perspective we can understand Pedro Kumamoto's action to associate his independent political formation, as well as the embryo of a political party that he tried to form, with the National Regeneration Movement.

Political factionalism in Latin America has come to generate a phenomenon known as political entrepreneurship and which, before the connotation involved in the economy, implied the construction of partisan institutes, clubs, gatherings, organizations or movements to exercise a veto or blackmail capacity in the political system. Factionalism and political entrepreneurship are conditions that distinguish Third World political systems. In the case of Latin America, there are unique nations in terms of the number – more nominal than real – of political parties that come to exist. Both elements also make up a weak public administration and a state regime hijacked by different factions.

In Mexico, before the formation of the PRI, the number of political parties reached thousands and political movements such as Maderismo promoted such a number of expectations that, upon taking power, they were simply impossible to meet.

Guatemala, Peru, Colombia, Argentina and Brazil have been the spaces of study regarding political entrepreneurship, the consequences of the high fragmentation that the party system reaches is noticeable in the type of governability and institutionality that subsists in the political regime.

The loss of power in the PRI generated the departure of the multiple tendencies that made it up and the phenomenon of bleeding does not seem to stop now in all political parties. Morena summons multiple tendencies, factions and political entrepreneurs because it is the party in government, it is true that there is a manifest transfer of currents, tendencies, caudillismos, cacicazgos and factions towards its organizational content; However, National Regeneration has not been able to develop the level of political institutionality that the PRI had and it is difficult for it to contain such a level of political entrepreneurship when the wind blows against it. Factionalism and political entrepreneurship are the ideal breeding ground for pragmatic opportunism that most damages a society.

Some political scientists propose the need for more draconian electoral laws to close the door to so many fallacious organizations that seek to disguise themselves as political parties to exercise patrimonialism; However, others consider that participation is necessary to stimulate leadership that coheres and generates social capital. The truth is that the crisis of political parties seems to have no way out in Mexico and the world. The French case provides evidence that well-designed electoral engineering is not enough for mythomaniacs like Emmanuel Macron to come to power. Politics increasingly poses ethical dilemmas with enormous consequences because political organizations have been emptied of their content and a way to replace them has not yet been discovered. Everyone looks at Xavier Milei with sympathy, but no one wants to be under his insane rule.

Morena and Kumamoto establish a strategic alliance that can be beneficial for both actors and the state of Jalisco; However, in other entities and at the national level, some candidates and alliances will condemn Morena for immediatism. Political parties do not seem to have a solution, the old discussion of parliamentarism versus presidentialism is still waiting for the moment to be raised when the party crisis is terminal. And we will turn again to France to discover that even a double-engine government is insufficient to contain traitorous politicians. At the time.

Eduardo Verástegui and the digitization of signatures

 Eduardo Verástegui and the digitization of signatures

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

The presidential candidate of the extreme right in Mexico has indicated that technology dislocates his proposal to participate in the 2024 elections. Although there are a couple of months left for Verástegui to gather the number of electronic signatures necessary to fulfill the requirements that the National Electoral Institute demands, the task seems titanic without the support of the powers that be; particularly the religious and economic ones.

What is happening with the electoral strongholds of the extreme right? Well nothing. That it is truly difficult to use digital applications, the INE platform and the available time of supporters in any organization, to individually incorporate support for candidates or parties. Once again, although the defenders of the INE and its cyber elements believe otherwise, it is more than true that the door has been closed to form new political parties, formalize independent candidacies and support social causes against the Mexican government.

Even though the PRIANRD believes that the INE represents the liberal democratic channel through which everyone can participate in favor of the Mexican interest; it isn't true. INE technology serves to maintain the status quo of the contemporary partyocracy that denies political participation, individual and organized, in a more than totalitarian way. Technology cannot be an instrument to exclude people; However, in the case of political participation it can be attested that it harms the legitimate right to vote and be voted for.

Citizen candidates cannot participate in the face of the technological judgment represented by the digitalization of individual support. Organizations that intend to become political parties at the regional or national level find it more than impossible to hold assemblies or gather the necessary militancy to meet the requirements that the electoral laws request. It is time to think about opening the doors of the electoral system in our country in the face of a reality of partyocracy and transfuguism.

Digital mafias and lobbyists at the service of internal groups of the INE manage to charge several million pesos so that they can compete with traditional political parties. The same thing happens in the party system as in the fields where some members have structured the monopoly: soccer, transportation, television, radio or newspapers. It is necessary to pay expensive floor fees over a long period of time to remain in the circuit, as is still done in the case of many notaries.

A democracy that closes its doors cannot be considered such. Hence, it is essential to modify the electoral system in Mexico and, within it, the rules for integrating and financing parties, as well as the difficult area of citizen candidacies.