Friday, October 14, 2016

It Is Audi Model City in Puebla a Nazi City?

It is Audi Model City in Puebla a Nazi City?
By Diego Velázquez
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/10/14/ciudad-audi-ciudad-nazi/


In 2015 came the film documentary "has returned" (David Wnendt) based on the work of Timur Vermes (2011) where Adolf Hitler resurrected to convene the Nazi spirit in the masses of the German population. The film shows the effect that xenophobia, arrogance and authoritarianism have in the political culture of much of the German people. As a sociological experiment confirms that Lucifer syndrome of authoritarian personality is present in most part of humanity.

It is that nothing has changed in Germany since 1933 to date? Indeed. Only a people with totalitarian ideas would think investing in an entity such as Puebla, which is one of the states with the lowest rate of democratic development in Mexico. It is precisely the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, which provides that data. From 2012 are diminishing the social, economic, civil and institutional democracy If the Germans are unable to recognize the validity of the studies that do their own research institutes, how will recognize errors in their production and technology processes, for example, the case Volkswagen diesel?

The first Model City in Latin America will be implemented in Puebla. It was a peculiar form of build, especially since there is a huge contradiction between the "quality" and the way this has been executed. The Konrad Adenauer Foundation considers Puebla as one of the Mexican states with the lowest democratic development. What does being in the penultimate site index democratic development? Only Guerrero and Michoacan share this low level. Is Audi had installed in those spaces? Either way, the social dynamic that has prevailed in these sites persists failed Puebla situation: femicide, poverty, authoritarianism, insecurity, corruption and emigration. Mexico is the ideal place for neo-extractivism culminating in the plunder of colonized peoples place. What judgment should be considered for the democratic nations that maintain their progress subsidize authoritarianism?

Audi experience is traumatic in the region of San José Chiapa and will be a difficult transition from rural life to urbanization. The experience of the Model City shows the lessening of democracy in the state. As a public policy was not. Missed governance, dialogue, democracy, participation, inclusion and federalism. In Puebla increasingly you feel insecurity, harassment, extortion, kidnapping, theft of gasoline, government corruption and authoritarianism. Audi Model City is part of the Holocaust Projects representing Death of the current state administration. The imposition of a development model to municipalities as well as centralizing provision of public policy, diminishes the sense of autonomy and dignity of communities. The lack of governance will generate a destruction of the landscape and social processes. No government action works because only interested in protecting the interests of the oligarchy. For individuals who belong to the municipalities of Nopalucan, Rafael Lara Grajales, San José Chiapa, Soltepec, Free and East, progress means destruction. Only by observing the behavior of a company like Audi you can understand what German weapons were assassinating normalistas of Ayotzinapa.

Audi has become one of those companies disguising their quality of dispossession, abuse, exploitation and production processes incorrect. As demonstrated by the Volkswagen case, Germany has become one of the most corrupt countries in the automotive sector. However, cheap is expensive. The quality is not discussed nor haggle. Volkswagen will take decades to recover its sales to the developed world. Audi will produce cars that are not world class because mobility policies in the West involve no use of the cars, their products represent technology transfer; that is, old cars for the underdeveloped world.

The day was formally inaugurated the Armadora Audi, there was a suspicion by the absence of Enrique Peña Nieto. The analyst Werner Voigt-of abcradio- questioned the visit to Israel that made the Mexican president, he criticized that EPN prefer peace rather than economic output. Strange defense of reactionary modernity, its contradictions make it impossible. How important can have such a small country ?, asks Voigt. Is it not obvious to a German ?, How important is Germany for Europe that caused the departure of Britain?

The way that Puebla has been undermined their democracy from the political change of 2010, records that this governance can not be the model for the country. The best-known product is avilacamachista governance killing 2 October 1968 (the most right-wing extremists are responsible for systematically reconsabidos question). It is impossible to believe the preference avilacamachista the presidency of the republic. If someone believes the country may fall more than it has earned the peñanietismo, the option is in Puebla.

What is the difference between Audi and the companies that are going to authoritarian and totalitarian countries to settle? What is the message of an investment like Audi in a state that keeps features like Puebla? The propensity to authoritarianism and poor quality. The right thing is always the hardest thing to do, perhaps this is the reason that the poblano and Germans avoided. Is there development productivity with these actions? Of course not. This way of working does not allow to be effective but seek ways of compensation to remedy the losses and costs generated authoritarianism.

The lack of governance in the implementation of the Model City Audi generates a negative prospective future of this project. As with the spill circumstantial benefits Tlaxcala. It is urgent to correct the implementation of this project but dialoguing Company, Government and Society. The pending issue is to protect the people and answer the question what ways can increase the democratic level in Puebla? If Germany, Volkswagen and Audi are interested in the quality of their production chains, then there is much to suggest the government of Puebla.

Saturday, October 01, 2016

Presentación Libro

http://www.canaldelcongreso.gob.mx/vod/reproducir/0_bxo4xu9n/Presentacion_del_libro._La_democratizacion_mexicana._Un_camino_tortuoso.

Nota N°. 4290
Presentan el libro “La democratización mexicana. Un camino tortuoso”

Palacio Legislativo, 28-09-2016 (Notilegis).- En la presentación del libro “La democratización mexicana. Un camino tortuoso”, del autor Samuel Schmidt, la diputada Adriana Terrazas Porras (PRI) destacó el trabajo realizado por el escritor en el análisis de la situación política mexicana.

Durante el evento realizado en el Palacio Legislativo de San Lázaro, Terrazas Porras comentó que la obra fue editada por la Cámara de Diputados en esta legislatura.

El libro forma parte de la Colección Nuestro Tiempo, como un esfuerzo colectivo que encabeza el Consejo Editorial en coordinación con las secretarías General y de Servicios Parlamentarios, así como con la Dirección General de Servicios de Documentación, Información y Análisis.

Además, con los centros de estudios de Finanzas Públicas; de Derecho e Investigaciones Parlamentarias; Sociales y de Opinión Pública; para el Adelanto de las Mujeres y la Equidad de Género, y el de Desarrollo Rural Sustentable y la Soberanía Alimentaria, de la Cámara de Diputados.

El libro se terminó de componer, imprimir y encuadernar en el mes de julio de este año, y su edición consta de un tiraje de mil 500 ejemplares.

El autor de la obra, Samuel Schmidt, señaló que “la democracia está sostenida por un pequeño hilo y que las instituciones que nosotros pensamos que son muy sólidas de repente se pueden romper como si nada democráticamente”.

No se puede hablar de democracia cuando el 60 por ciento de la población vive en pobreza y la sociedad no tiene acceso a la toma de decisiones.

Afirmó que el autoritarismo es un sistema que tiene prácticas electorales sistemáticas, pero donde las libertades se manipulan caprichosamente. “México es un país con una legislación avanzadísima y la pregunta es ¿por qué las leyes no se aplican?”.

Al realizar sus comentarios del libro la doctora Xóchitl Patricia Campos López, de la Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, explicó que la obra consta de cinco capítulos que introducen algunos elementos estructurales que permiten exponer por qué, en el caso de nuestro país, puede haber una estabilidad política sin necesidad de llegar al punto de la democratización completa de las instituciones.

Mencionó que el escrito es un análisis político muy fino que se teje y se lee de manera ágil, y en el cual el sistema político siempre ha sido la preocupación del autor.

Este texto es sumamente revelador y acerca de manera puntual y ágil a los elementos estructurales del sistema político mexicano que explica los procesos institucionales que “han permitido la estabilidad política y social, pero no necesariamente la democratización completa del Estado mexicano”.

El periodista Carlos Ramírez Hernández indicó que la democracia es un proceso y procedimiento, y el objetivo final es construir una República con instituciones y leyes.

El autor de la obra, precisó, expone en toda su intensidad los mecanismos del control institucional de la estructura del poder político; aunque, estimó, hay que trabajar más a fondo su tesis de los atajos a la democracia porque ahí habría algunas explicaciones adicionales que ayuden a precisar el fracaso democrático mexicano.

Mientras la política no asuma la necesidad de recuperar la historia como sucesos determinados por conflictos sociales y no como las sagradas escrituras, no podremos entender el devenir político de México, estimó.

RED/JGM
 
Histórico hasta 2013
 
http://www5.diputados.gob.mx/index.php/esl/Comunicacion/Agencia-de-Noticias/2016/09-Septiembre/28/4290-Presentan-el-libro-La-democratizacion-mexicana.-Un-camino-tortuoso

Saturday, September 17, 2016

“La cultura democrática del PAN está a prueba”
MARIO MARTELL
@laultima
31, MAR 2014 A LAS 00:18
http://intoleranciadiario.com/detalle_noticia/118573/politica/la-cultura-democratica-del-pan-esta-a-prueba

   
La lucha interna panista templará la cultura democrática de los panistas: Xóchitl Patricia Campos López


La doctora Xóchitl Patricia Campos López de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, en entrevista con Intolerancia Diario, señala que la disputa por la dirigencia del PAN pone a prueba la cultura democrática de este partido político. Además, estima que más que diferencias programáticas e ideológicas entre Ernesto Cordero y Gustavo Madero, quienes buscan dirigir al PAN, hay matices y diferencias en los estilos de liderazgo.

Patricia Campos López considera que la lucha interna panista templará la cultura democrática de los panistas porque en los últimos años se ha perdido la identidad panista derivada de un descuido —intencional o no— en la formación de cuadros en el PAN.

Para la investigadora de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, el gobernador de Puebla Rafael Moreno Valle no perderá con una derrota de Gustavo Madero, puesto que Moreno Valle juega en dos frentes: impulsando a una facción panista encabezada por Gustavo Madero y, al mismo tiempo, impulsando el partido político estatal Compromiso por Puebla.

“Es política, y los actores profesionales para nada son ingenuos. Porque antes de dar un paso ya dieron los tres que siguen”, califica Campos la actuación de Moreno Valle, promotor de Madero.

—¿Cuál es su evaluación sobre el proceso interno de la renovación de la dirigencia del PAN?

—Pues yo considero que la renovación de la dirigencia nacional debe observarse desde el contexto nacional, como del partido, dentro del sistema político. Dentro del partido hay que observar que esta es la primera vez que deja de ser un partido de minorías excelentes como fue su origen. Y se transforma en un partido donde las grandes masas del partido fueron convocadas a elegir de manera nunca antes vista. Es la primera vez que el partido se abre.

“Y si tomamos en cuenta que Acción Nacional nace como una opción democrática de una escuela de ciudadanía muy bien, genial, de alguna manera se estaban tardando. Si se observa como un partido de minorías excelentes, podríamos decir que algo ya está pasando con el partido. No es que los que militen en masa no sean excelentes. No se trata de eso. Hay que recordar que en el pasado los procesos internos habían sido sumamente selectivos. Los militantes se preparaban con mucho tiempo. Con antelación para cada proceso. Y el proceso podría recibir a militantes que no están entrenados sino va a ver esta preparación de mucho tiempo. El proceso podría recibir a militantes que no este entrenados previamente”.

—Si esos militantes no entrenados democráticamente del PAN pondrían en riesgo la identidad o el funcionamiento…

—Es muy relativo. Porque el panista tradicional se preparaba básicamente con meses de anticipación para una justa. Pero el elector en el proceso interno puede registrarse en el mismo proceso esto nadie debería verlo con sospecha. Vaya, estás convocado un padrón, votas y ya. Lamentablemente, el hecho de que en México cada partido político genera por una cuestión “genética” lazos clientelares. Esto le está preocupando al ala más conservadora del partido o más tradicionalista. En un principio, el PAN tenía un reglamento, había una especie de varios escalones de votación. O de colegio electoral. Eso aseguraba que quien llegara a la asamblea nacional estuviera mentalizado, hubiera estudiado muy bien sus opciones para ir a votar.

”Esta apertura de manera masiva si nos puede hacer sospecha en la falta de calidad de los votantes. Eso mete una sospecha en los sectores. Esto significa que uno se pregunte ¿cuántos electores llevará cada líder? ¿Cuántos electores meterá cada líder a la votación?, y no ¿cuántos electores irán a votar el día de la elección panista?”.

—La gente del ala olivista se ha preocupado porque los maderistas tiene a gobernadores de su lado. ¿Esto compromete a los gobernadores?

—Esto es algo que siempre se ha discutido en Acción Nacional. En Acción Nacional el militante que acaba de llegar vale lo mismo que el militante que tiene 30 o más años en el partido. Valen exactamente lo mismo. Aquí, a mí me parece que la formación de los militantes es importante en un partido, adoctrinados y educados en el ejercicio. No tendría que preocuparse mucho.

“Pero a mí me parece que, en efecto, Acción Nacional sí descuidó a su militancia. Y hasta hace dos años se comienza a preocupar mucho por lo que sería una escuela de cuadros. Vistas así las cosas, esto podría obedecer a dos cosas. Por un lado, por ganar las elecciones perdieron el partido. Entonces, estaban como más frescos y más preocupados por los procesos electorales y descuidan a la militancia. O intencionalmente descuidan a la militancia para hacer estas cosas. Para poder operar de una manera que no es tradicional en Acción Nacional y que es una práctica muy arraigada en México. Y así Acción Nacional se estaría comportando como cualquier partido político.

”Sólo que hay una ala muy purista de panistas formados no en otras generaciones pero sí en otra mística. Las de la vivencia cotidiana de los principios de doctrina. Esos son los que me parece que están como más preocupados. Toda la vida en un partido donde hay un elevado índice de cultura política participativa, el hecho de que venga el gobernador no implicaría nada”.

—¿Entonces en el PAN los militantes adoctrinados en la cultura democrática panista se salvan de la línea?

—En este sentido, hay un momento en la vida de Acción Nacional que a mí me gusta mucho. Del nuevo PAN diríamos. Cuando Felipe Calderón va a comerse la carne asada y ahí lo destapan el día de su cumpleaños, siendo secretario de Energía, cuando le hacen una carne asada sus amigos. Pues al otro día el presidente de la República le reclama. Y Felipe Calderón le dice ¿por qué me reclamas? Si yo lo hice en domingo. Yo creo que ahí le queda clarísimo a Vicente Fox, que aunque sea el presidente de la República, él es un militante más del PAN.

”Vistas así las cosas, pues sí, el ala que está sospechando esto está preocupada, es porque ha visto algo. O una traición venida desde la cúpula del partido para no adoctrinar a los militantes nuevos, pero la otra cuestión que han descuidado los panistas, el ala de Madero, se han desvinculado de los panistas con más tradición, al militante ‘viejito’, digamos, pues ya nadie lo ‘pela’ y se están renovando liderazgos. Cada líder llega con sus huestes y éstos no tienen la mística del partido”.

—¿Qué significa cada grupo?, ¿qué significan Cordero y Oliva?, ¿qué significan Madero y Cervantes?

—Yo veo más una cuestión de estilo personal. Como de estrategia. En los dos grupos hay personajes del panismo con altísima formación ideológica. Personajes que en el sentido que han vivido acorde a una mística. En los dos grupos podemos ver militantes del ala doctrinaria.

“Aquí hay solamente una diferencia de estrategias. Yo no sé hasta qué punto podamos ver a Cordero vinculado directamente con Felipe Calderón todavía.

”En el caso de que esto fuera efectivo. No hay que olvidar que Felipe Calderón ha librado una dura batalla con lo que en otro tiempo fueron neopanistas y que hoy se consideran el ala más tradicional del partido. No tradicional pero sí donde están los más doctrinarios, como Cecilia Romero. Efectivamente, si detrás de la alianza Oliva-Cordero está el liderazgo de Felipe Calderón ahí podríamos encontrar un ala muy liberal de Acción Nacional pero al mismo tiempo muy doctrinaria, muy consciente de lo que es la mística y que intenta abrir canales para la equidad entre los grupos”.

—¿El grupo de Madero qué significa?

—A mí me parece que al grupo más tradicional de la derecha católica y al grupo más tradicional dentro de Acción Nacional. Quizás de la derecha católica no, pero sí de la derecha más tradicional dentro de Acción Nacional. A mí me parece que más que dividir los grupos en dos grupos irreconciliables o demás.

—Juan Manuel Oliva es una vertiente de la derecha de Guanajuato, ¿es una escisión del Yunque?

—No sé si una escisión. La situación es complicada. Acción Nacional es un partido de derecha. Aunque se diga que no. Hay grupos católicos que no nacen de Acción Nacional, muchos católicos se siguen vinculando con Acción Nacional. En el grupo de Cordero hay panistas con un alto bagaje doctrinario pero si detrás del liderazgo de Ernesto Cordero está el expresidente Felipe Calderón, sì estaríamos hablando de una dupla Oliva-Cordero más abierta al diálogo, más abierta a todos los grupos, menos radical.

”Aún cuando tenga elementos menos tradicionales del panismo y verdaderos personajes dentro de Acción Nacional, hay que recordar que los neopanistas de ayer son los doctrinarios de hoy. Tarde o temprano los ‘rebeldones’ van a ser la vieja guardia y se mostrarán más moderados conforme llegan nuevos. Es un partido que no estanca a las elites, la renovación de las elites se dan de manera muy activa. El mapa dentro del PAN no está estático dentro de mucho tiempo. Aparentemente no hay estos pactos mefistofélicos. Siendo un partido con tanta vida.

”(A) Oliva muchos podrían identificarlo dentro del grupo de Madero y con Cecilia Romero. Pero qué hace del otro lado. Esto nos muestra la sospecha (de) que son el mismo grupo jugando en dos o tres frentes. Qué hacía Josefina Vázquez Mota el grupo de Madero y Cecilia Romero vinculados con otra derecha. Oliva vinculado con los otros grupos más conservadores de Acción Nacional.

”La pregunta salta a la vista. Hay una división que logran hacer alianza con otros. O si se mantienen como un mismo grupo en dos frentes. A mí me parece que más que dividir los grupos, en los dos hay matices en el liderazgo”.

—Con esta complejidad política al interior del Partido Acción Nacional los actores recientes como los que vienen del PRI, pienso en Rafael Moreno Valle, ¿tienen la claridad para comprender este complejo escenario panista?

—No sé. El gobernador ahora parece que está alimentado un nuevo partido político. Si estuviera pensando a largo tiempo no lo hubiera creado. Si estuviera pensando en alianzas coyunturales, pues pactar con un grupo dentro del PAN y alimentar otro por fuera, pues sería muy rentable.

—¿Juega a dos bandas el gobernador?

—Vaya, sino sale bien acá saldrá bien en otra parte, ¿no? El hecho de jugar en dos bandas. Desde el gobierno. Eso en México significa muchas cosas. Y al mismo tiempo apostarle a una facción dentro de Acción Nacional, pero al mismo tiempo fundar y alimentar un partido político diferente a Acción Nacional. Yo creo que está jugando y está queriendo amarrar los dos escenarios.

“En política, y los actores profesionales para nada son ingenuos. Porque antes de dar un paso ya dieron los tres que siguen. En este armar varios escenarios aparecen posibilidades y en el camino estamos preparados para todo”.


Sunday, September 11, 2016

The Jacobson Operation

The Jacobson Operation
By Diego Velázquez

In earlier days Carlos Ramirez (16/08/2016) showed the interest of the US Embassy to intervene in Mexico's presidential election to support Margarita Zavala. Social rejection that has the PRI, and the likely alternation in the executive branch, generating a yankee inclination to favor the Right and Right-Wing Extremism in our country. For nothing is eccentric propensity to create a "Patriotic Alliance" call PRIAN to return homogeneous fascist interests of political, economic and social actors whose distinction lies in the seriousness of making constant attacks on the governments of Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia and Brazil before to amend the same. What is the difference between systematic violation of human rights, corruption of governments and assumptions prianistas Latin American contexts that describe? Even the Konrad Adenauer Foundation conservatively-of undoubted belonging reproves the PAN or PRI governments by index methodology democratic development.
The intention of the US government lies in merging the agenda of Clinton and Zavala to resume the implementation of pentagonism in the calderonato bled our society. The Democratic Party does not want to contribute to improving the situation of governance in Mexico but continue with drug trafficking necessary for the US young and the enslaving immigrants to subsidize its economic growth. The relationship between Mexico and the United States has been severely damaged during the Barack Obama because of his laziness and irresponsibility. His government will be responsible for the most serious damage suffered by the Mexican-American relations.
In the end, US Democrats have applied to be the Henry Lane Wilson seeking his Victoriano Huerta to place order. PAN want to be the Antonio Santacruz that is subordinated to the United States for hybridizing economic liberalism and maintenance vatican capital in the "modus vivendi" that allowed them to assist in power with the PRI dirty. From the attack on Pearl Harbor, America implemented a fascist consensus with Mexican radical religious right and whose dividends have been negative. The conservative modernity in Latin America is impossible because the model of local Christianity does not seek to stabilize social order through education and partnerships. Latin American Christianity is facing the Middle Ages and the homeland of Creole. Racism, xenophobia, classism and intolerance can not be the cement of a society. They agree to sacrifice the masses while their elites persist. Agree develop progressive dictatorships; however, the eyes of the Mexican far right are always in Europe, build the hispanoamericanismo instead of Pan-Americanism.
An example of the extreme right proposed order can be seen in the state of Morelos. The attacks on the government of Graco Ramirez are Yunque product, secret organization allergic to the republic, equality, democracy and peace. Octavio Rodriguez Araujo (26/02/2009) described how members of Testimony and Hope inserted in the CIDHEM built factions that persist in unbalancing any government where they do not receive their participation or dues. What other reason apart from pentagonism, has the United States in Mexico for a dynamic such as that experienced in Morelos is generated?
The country's relationship with the Republican Party, in practice, has been better. Even the prianista Moreno Valley recognizes that Ronald Reagan is the best of American presidents regarding the treatment to Mexico. An indisputable case is the relationship between Abraham Lincoln and Benito Juarez. Understanding and respect, collaboration in the path of liberalism and understanding of the historical, encouraged a full-fledged instant support between the bear and porcupine. Contextual conditions have changed; but the problems that almost caused the absence of the Mexican Republic and the American union, it is demonstrated that it can help in various ways.
Some of the externalities caused Donald Trump's visit constitutes the spotlight that illuminates the Mexican condition. Now, the Democrats have realized that Mexico exists and is important. Now, as in the nineteenth century, it is essential to support the development of the nation and state in Mexico; the extreme right elements that do not understand because their vision of society corresponds to the powers that allow the global order that the Holy See intends. Republic, Positive Law, Democracy, Freedom, Equality and Tolerance are conflicting values ​​those who seek hierarchical societies caste, justice inspired by the Holy Office and education controlled by the Congregation of the Faith. If Mexico is important, for better or worse, it is necessary to think about the type of country and neighbor we should be. Nobody wants to have a scandalous, violent, uneducated, drug dealer, aggressive and foolish neighbor; however, most of the political and national economic class has been developed with these elements. The PAN, nationalist? False. In its reactionary vocation he has always been the destruction of the State and the Republic. The PRI ¿Nationalist? False. His cacique technocratic vision has confused mexicanity with corruption, they wasted decades for abusing the popular misoneism. Nationalists were only Plutarco Elias Calles, Lazaro Cardenas and Benito Juarez.
If the wall Donald Trump is present, it is because urgently needed policies to develop the state. The Democratic Party may lose the elections because it lacks a programmatic platform with respect to our country. Hillary Clinton is serious that has not responded to an immediate visit to Mexico. If Peña Nieto was wrong and threatens the world for helping Donald Trump with his false democratic leadership, where is the clintoniana proposal to contribute to the order and governance Mexicans under a peaceful scheme? Graver still is the tacit pact between the US Embassy and the secret powers in México. There is still time for a new ambassador and to decent treatment.
Antonio Santacruz, Victoriano Huerta and PRIAN; They are the product of pointsettiana look, the results are obvious. When America look to Mexico, and the world through the eyes of Abraham Lincoln may Benito Juarez and the emergence of a honorable neighborhood.
Can Enrique Peña Nieto overcome the animosity asking his resignation and overcome a scenario that seems like maderista government overthrown by the extreme right? Is Roberta Jacobson Henry Lane Wilson XXI Century?

Wednesday, July 27, 2016

The Right will govern Mexico

The Right will govern Mexico
By Diego Velázquez

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/07/26/cuando-las-derechas-nos-alcancen/

Catholicism in Mexico is heterogeneous, and you can find different types that explain the behavior of the groups that make it up. One aspect that most distinguishes itself by its economic and political leadership is the radical religious right that identifies with the Catholic hierarchy and reserved secret organizations. The characters attached to this aspect assert themselves as Catholic nationalists; however, not nationalism you can call the subordination to a foreign state as the Holy See.

The main representatives of intransigent Catholicism the ecclesiastical bureaucracy and members of secret societies reserved- found in the political, national and global context, arrests necessary to vindicate his tenacious opposition to the republic, illustration and democracy. The ambiguity of the recent election results, is taken as an element to indicate the power of religious influence in society. Moreover, the beliefs of Catholicism are used as a threat against the government and the law in force.

A few weeks to date, the thought of the extreme right enjoins a new Cristeros. For high Catholic hierarchy and their dark allies, the PRI is no longer profitable beyond 2018 even though the country has been right in the past three presidential administrations. The election results that changed the map of the governorships encourage the PAN take advantage in 2018 presidential race and Christian fundamentalists intransigentism show a role to keep their place in the status quo.

The political group which currently holds the country's government is a synthesis of religious and neoliberal product of private educational institutions in Mexico right. The Church hierarchy forget that the errors and proposals of this elite are considerations learned by conservative educational model of modernity. The "Golden Boys" are the best expression of managerialism myrreinato configured in the vision of ITAM, ITESM, IBERO, UP and other higher educational institutions of local character. The fundamentalism  intransigent Catholicism worry if the best politicians that can form are as Vicente Fox, Enrique Peña Nieto, Josefina Vazquez Mota, Aurelio Nuño, Felipe Calderon and Luis Videgaray. What is the sense of changing the party in power if the elite is it? Does the consortium have any difference?

The prominence of the extreme right appears to continue intervening in the state and turn back time against the mistakes that their pupils have achieved over nearly three decades. Although Francoism and Pinochetism are past experiences, reserved Catholic secret societies aspire to build a Mexican clerofascismo. The problem is that there is no longer communism and much reflection on the RerumNovarum or the Syllabus has failed to resolve their attitudes-and those who educan- respect of liberalism and neoliberalism. Its ambiguity conceals willful falsehood, is not the first time that try to subdue Mexico by concordats and trusts. The historic enemy and real danger is the intransigent Catholicism struggling to abort the State in the country, they have succeeded on several occasions. The Holy See has always been an imperialist geopolitical player.

Spain, for example, lives an unprecedented situation due to the radical intervention of the extreme right who wants to redeem the Phalange Catholic nationalism to build the perfect Christian society. It is likely that the political crisis from worsening economic situation in that country. Does it matter reserved to secret societies, to Opus Dei and the managerialists People's Party? Not at all. The whole considers sensible revive Francisco Franco and send the firing squad who believe in sin Republican ideas such as democracy and social justice. There also intransigent Catholicism is responsible for aborting a child 80 years ago.

Two trends appear arranged in National Action: the consortium and calderonismo. The consortium -primohermanodel peñanieteismo- is synonymous with absolute corruption and calderonismo not have hesitated to return blood to bathe the country. Despite the differences that have rights regarding globalization, comprehensive intransigent Catholics not want to lose their place in the direction of the Mexican political system. Along the way, the loser is the Mexican society. Is PRI unsustainable in the elections of 2018? How important it is for Mexico to regain rights presidency of the republic? If Enrique Peña Nieto belongs to the tables of intransigent Catholicism, what is the reason for proposing initiatives to revive the most reactionary voices? There is only one objective for National Action moose with the goal: ending the destruction of the country and encourage the plundering of its ruins. Rather than confront the business and ecclesiastical sector of the country, Enrique Peña Nieto behaved like Ernesto Zedillo to put on a silver platter the presidency of the republic to the delight of the many rights in Mexico. At the time, Zedillo was the great traitor to his party. Beyond economic policies that completely abandoned the ideal of justice of the Mexican State, the technocrat left his party boycotting all institutional spaces. Likewise, most of Peña Nieto decisions are to hurt the PRI.

The right-wing authoritarian modernization yearn to Pinochet, Franco or porfirista style, whatever the cost. The uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism will adapt to these alternative models through its Spanish, Italian, German, Polish, Austrian or French clerofascismo. But now the story does not put the joints of her. The case of Britain is similar to the collapse of the USSR. Neoliberalism and globalization are overcome. Companies must rethink the legal introspective for configuration, political, ideological, economic and social that suits them according to their historical rate. The clerofascismo survived because the Liberals needed their support against the Communists; however, the same Anglo-Saxon societies now ask a brake on the progress of savage capitalism. Geopolitics has changed. The fascist consensus flying the struggle against communism and the Judeo-Masonic conspiracy meaningless. Anglo-Saxon societies show a civilizational exhaustion that routes them back to isolationism and exceptionalism. His weakness is an opportunity for non-Western societies and liberal modernization processes.

The world is in door of new trends on the state; especially recovery. There is urgent need to deconstruct state public space, human rights and solidarity. Avoid this appointment will lead to social explosions or implementation of authoritarianism that worsen the overall situation. Catholic hardliners comprehensive know; but they do not want to understand.

The uncompromising argument  intransigent Catholicism against social movements demonstrates its lack of commitment to Mexico. If Norberto Rivera Carrera believe in the God who claims to represent, many years ago he has abandoned their ministry. Scandals high ecclesiastical hierarchy demonstrate is that pedophiles, corrupt, rapists, extortionists, drug traffickers and terrorists are on their side. The Catholic bureaucracy wants to keep the Church of Silence, one that left the peasants Cristeros in the years 40s of the last century, with the "modus vivendi" was inserted into the political system and left the Cristeros peasants to their fate. Forgetting the masses, the intransigent Catholicism joined with the secret societies reserved for the middle classes and altaspara co-govern with the regime. Over time, the PRI also abandon the peasants, especially with the advent of neoliberalism. Professor replaced the priest in many areas, so in Mexico there are not enough priests, most concentrated in cities while the countryside and peasants were abandoned. Those who went to the countryside and the masses are teachers, are still there, so it supports the people.

Now the Catholic and Technocrat Elite wants to end the popular and peasant Mexico. The uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism promotes the destruction of social groups in Mexico. Peasants, Indigenous, University, Women, Teachers, Workers and Gays. The neoliberal right and uncompromising accepts the elimination of these social conglomerates for authoritarian modernization and economic growth regardless of the human and natural costs. Military accept implement the dirty work to keep their privileges.

Reserved secret societies and brotherhoods of various uncompromising nature have generated animosity against different social groups. The crusade against students, teachers, homosexuals and women shows the type of right that has reached our country. The role of the uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism exerts a significant influence in Mexico. The triumph of reaction hardly be inhibited. 2018 is a scenario built by the sacramental Catholicism to form a clerofascismo.

The PAN and PRI right, however, lacks a governance project. Oligarchies and aristocracies that are just looking to maintain their privileges, perks, privileges and corruption. During the cardenismo the people recovered the state, it is one of the moments where society had control over political and economic structures. It has distorted the history of that time; but it is necessary to recover the memory and the civic sense of the State who founded the revolutionary nationalism. much unity among Mexicans need, sectors of the population are divided and confused by the interests of the oligarchic groups. Social conglomerates have the daunting task of overcoming apathy and abstention. Social struggle is the only way that has served the country to curb abuse and corruption. Collective movements are the only ember to save the democratic and liberal republic.

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- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/07/26/cuando-las-derechas-nos-alcancen/#sthash.TJz9ds2D.dpuf

Thursday, June 09, 2016

The Priista Smurf. National Action and the story of a party defeated by the victory

By Diego Velazquez

Just see the light a work that has the best analysis of the political right in Mexico. The book, "When Mexico finished to fuck it? The Legacy of the National Action Party "coordinated by academic Cesar Cansino and German Molina, published by Editorial Mariel, brings together a group of analysts to interpret the experience of the National Action Party during the period of the PRI democradura well as in the transition. The work is the product of V International Symposium of Mexican Studies called "Between blue and good night" held in October 2014 at the Institute of Legal Sciences and the Institute of the Government of the BUAP Sciences. Researchers participated in this event as Victor Reynoso, Manuel Diaz Cid, Carlos Ramirez, Alberto Aziz Nassif, Juan José Rodríguez Prats and Jose Antonio Crespo, plus other good scholars, whose diagnoses were incorporated into the whole issue.
What happened to the PAN? National Action was transformed during the latter part of the twentieth century and change from original identity of Thomistic humanism to become a copy similar to the PRI. From the salinato until calderonismo, PAN development a marriage with the PRI that returned a ghost his old humanism. It is true that the same can be said of the experience he had the Party of the Democratic Revolution. And even more amazing, the PRI pedigree of the right and left has made pragmatic multiparty alliances meet in state and national level only to an exchange of brawls PRI in power. Mexican voting for the PRI or expriista, wherever it is to lose.
The need to survive in a democratic environment prompted the PAN to import of  PRI tables and the road ended assimilating their genetic information. Although National Action tried to hide his  callista roots for many decades, this ended up staying and coming up with full force when the PRI defectors began to arrive.
Economic, religious, political and electoral reforms and public safety; They are those that allowed the empowerment of the PAN like buddy of PRI since salinismo from today. Hence, as stated by Caesar Cansino (2014), National Action has the merit of having destroyed so supersonic Mexico compared to what made the PRI. When speaking of opacity, corruption, madness, repression and violation of human rights; the student surpassed the teacher.
After leaving the presidency of the republic, the PAN not returned to its origins; on the contrary, during the current administration it has created a diaspora of traditional PAN members that will remain wide until anoint their candidate for the presidency of the republic in 2018 to empty all their traditional and religious identity. Analysis such as this book are important because they give birth and prevent political naivete that, say people like Alvaro Obregon, is the worst social sin.
When expriistas boast local elections have generated alternations and no return to the past, the present document texts as evidence of their total lie. In Mexico today govern PRIs of all political parties and that, not you can call regime change and perhaps even transition.
Analysts agree with the idea of ​​Cansino stating that the damage done by the PAN to Mexico is immeasurable. They will be centuries of work and reflection to promote a real change in the country. The election results on Sunday, claiming the analysis of works like this. If the acclaimed "return PAN" its true, then is urgent see correctly that of the seven governorships observed four are left to expriistas (and then, the scene of Manlio Fabio Beltrones is true PRI 9 and PAN 3) is strictly observed, it is clear one thing : the only formal and party worthy of the name remains the Institutional Revolutionary party. In most of the states where elections were held, a large part of the candidates came from the PRI. By now, 17 years after the alternation of the presidency of the republic, the fact that the PRI remains the matrix from which most of the candidates running political parties is an embarrassment to the institutional capacity of same.
The call is more urgent attention to parties that try to be different from the PRI, How is it possible that in all these years have not trained the necessary leaders to posit a genuine platform and candidates? When the president Felipe Calderón declared that every Mexican is a PRI before proven otherwise, described the culture and level of politics in our country. Why it has failed democratic consolidation? Why the PRI did not die? Because they never left the power, because they spread everywhere and the opposition has never been able to do your own homework.
The fact that candidates mostly have a membership implies that the PRI regime change has not occurred; on the contrary, the suckerfish and bad habits remain. This is the reason that democracy generally of poor quality and, in turn, phenomena like clientelism, corporatism and the chiefdom are updated. A significant case is Puebla, whose alternation has been rejected in recent years by the Democratic Development Index. Puebla is in the level of Guerrero, Michoacan and Mexico State. If the country is prescribed "medicine Puebla" then it will be necessary to prepare for further indebtedness, poverty, corruption and authoritarianism You really someone thinks that Miguel Angel Yunes, José Rosas Aispuro, Carlos Joaquin Gonzalez and Tony Gali will no longer rule as PRI?
The political turncoat is a constant in Mexican elections at all levels. In fact, the worst is yet to come when all candidates are PRI members. That is, painted and scenarios, candidates from all parties in the country will be PRIs and expriistas. What will happen to the former members of the opposition-although it is with the PRI, is that many characters will leave for independent candidates. This is one of the safest ways, for example, Margarita Zavala who no longer has a place in the PAN.
It has been discussed to the end if each society has the government it deserves. In recent days disapproval of the president of the republic has reached unprecedented levels. The case of coexistence societies led the presidential figure to end background in the preferences of the right and extreme right to focus on the figure of Enrique Peña Nieto the most radical adjectives according to the manual Civita Catolica. What is surprising is that, despite such discontent with the PRI and political figures, people continue to support expriistas. And then we get angry when you notice that the behavior never changed. What was not obvious? It is not given, nor will, in most expriistas the phenomenon of historical rupture; On the contrary, their behavior persists in a restoration of the authoritarian PRI. In those states where there was political change but the figure proved a winning expriista, it can be seen that there has been no change, no increase in the level of democratic quality and even authoritarianism has risen even more.
When studying the party system in Mexico during the time of Hegemonic Party, it said the opposition parties were appendages of the PRI. The left and the right were the institutes more bother with this categorization given the militant history that everyone has. However, reality has come to deny this memorable past. They are not appendages of the PRI, are branches, agencies, and putative biological children, legitimate and illegitimate offspring.
More serious is that Mexican voters continue to support the PRI members of all political parties believing that someday will be the historical rupture. The PRI is inmorible, nor can it be destroyed from within, nor can it be changed and the PRI only win him the PRI (disguised as PAN, PRD or Morena). Or perhaps, the Mexican voter abstentionism still hoping that one day there real alternatives in Mexican politics.
If Rafael Moreno Valle, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Miguel Ángel Mancera manage to take the presidency of the republic to the group of Enrique Peña Nieto, the PRI is the symbolic representation of the alternation.
Daniel Cosio Villegas and Roderic Ai Camp -two notable political scientists specialists in the Mexican system took for granted that political parties exist in Mexico, our life is reduced to power factions, cliques, groups and elites, all PRI and almost no difference in handling corruption when in power.
In Mexico there is a perpetual crisis of political parties, it just happens that society does not know how to put aside the institute callista cardenista participation. The PRI remains the Sun in our galaxy and political culture. Other ideologies or political movements end up giving space or co-opted against their overwhelming pragmatism.
Mexico Will it change? Someday the PRI will be finalized? In the short term the answer is no. José Francisco Ruiz Massieu and Manuel Camacho Solis saw inmodificable the regime and only bet on the arrival of new politicians, increasingly pragmatic groups, but always play to change without rupture,ie no change to the political system.
At some point the PRI thought of approaching social democracy and the model of the Netherlands where there are dominant parties in a bizarro world are democratic and honest PRI. Now, when corruption afflicts society and the inability of the political group in power it is immeasurable, it is necessary to consider the democratic corporatist model. The chances of Mexico as a liberal democracy are slim; if not nonexistent. No alternation at any level of government; the PRI continues to win everything, whether tricolor, blue, yellow, green, pink, citizen and, now, even rainbow. Pablo Gonzalez Casanova has outlined the idea of ​​democratizing our corporatism for many years, it is a more logical view that belief considering the change via elections. Also, the Catholic Church -in before the Mexican Revolution moments he considered the creation of the National Catholic Party, which may have been one of the most important mass parties of Latin America.
Neither elections nor the parties constitute the path of political change in Mexico, before other groups armed struggle or foreign intervention arise, perhaps necessary return to the subject of corporatism and rewrite the history of the Mexican political system. Otherwise, the PRI elites and counterelites in PRI-isation process maintain a factionalism that increasingly deinstitutionalizes the country, impoverishes, steals and murders. If the effort and the lives of those who fought for democracy itself, then Mexico is lost and disappears is not valued. The return of the PRI nor the PAN bode well. And it is that the PRI always be the same. This is the real risk if the extreme right came to power in Mexico in the next presidential elections.


Cesar Cansino (2014) Mexico in ruins. PAN balances in power. Ed. BUAP-Juan Pablos. Mexico
Cesar Cansino and Germán Molina (2016) When Mexico finished to fuck it? The Legacy of the National Action Party. Ed. Mariel. Mexico
[1] The adjective was created by the independent candidate Ana Teresa Aranda referring to the PAN in the race for the governorship of Puebla
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