García Luna and the Mexican succession

 García Luna and the Mexican succession

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The trial in the United States of America against the former Secretary of Public Security during the government of Felipe Calderón may have various purposes depending on the geopolitical convenience of North American imperialism. If the American Union conceives that its world hegemony is extinguished and it is healthy to concentrate on continental exceptionalism to better face a new Cold War after the fact, then García Luna will be evidenced as the architect of corruption in Mexican narco-neoliberalism from Vicente Fox to Enrique Peña grandson; which would end up sinking the presidential aspirations of the Mexican right. On the contrary, if the US Narco-Empire decides to continue confronting Russia, China, Brazil, India and the Middle East, to finance the war economy that the Pentagon is absorbing, ergo, Genaro García Luna will be Commander Oliver North of the PRIANRD, now indispensable to implant bureaucratic-technocratic-military-narcocaciquil.

The Mexican-American double standard regarding narcoterrorism depends on the circumstances. The United States financed the anti-communism of its period of containment with respect to the Soviet Union with drugs from Latin America, the Middle East and Asia, the Iran-Contra scandal is a small sample of a whole narco-economy that feeds an extensive military-industrial complex. The Mexican political class and other distinctive fiefdoms of our structural condition benefited in spurts from anti-communism, as well as from drug trafficking. The influx of dollars that consolidated political parties, universities, dependencies and liberal democracies; It didn't just come from the American taxpayer.

Even though AMLO and Morena are going to use the trial against García Luna as a way of demonstrating the opposition's links with narcopolitics, the truth is that -despite the irrefutable evidence of the case- the imperialist reason of state will prevail against what be.

What must be considered important for the future of the relationship between Mexico and the United States, mainly from the national perspective, is the way in which our country will be judged. Mexico is assimilated to a Terrorist Drug Trafficking Zombie that offers the possibility -as it happened in the 19th century- of being a new training camp for the US military.

It is not only the insane claim of Donald Trump to launch missiles against the narco-municipalities from the different North American bases and aircraft carriers. It is the real cause of narcoterrorism for the benefit of the pentagonist war economy that is increasingly considering intervening in Mexico because of the prevailing anarchy and ungovernability.

The authoritarian nationalism/military technocratic bureaucratism pendulum has always been linked to the narco. Everyone has their García Luna or Oliver North.

MORENA/PRIANRD: No escape from the black circle

 MORENA/PRIANRD: No escape from the black circle

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the specter of governability begins to be represented as a threat to the Fourth Transformation, over time it can be seen that the anomias and pathologies that the country accumulates have been determined by the United States of America. Since the fateful years of López Mateos, social issues and national stability have been complicated, with the passing of the six-year terms, the border of chaos has been reached. It is impossible for the current six-year term to effectively slow down a process that has been accumulating for decades; but it cannot be said that he has not done anything.

If Mexico falls, the Yankee empire too. This is a truism that is evident in the Pentagon, the CIA, the DEA and other agencies that oversee US power. The point is that the Mexican political class also knows it and, for better or for worse, they have jointly decided that the country, the Mexican Republic, should be established as the backyard of the North Americans. It is true that Mexico is dangerously close to the condition of a failed state thanks to neoliberalism, but it is that it is convenient for imperialism; Have we forgotten who canceled the possibility of having a Japan below the Rio Grande? How many million tons of drugs does the US need to be in harmony? The economic superpower has all the technology at its disposal, but why does it need fifty million Mexican “wet slaves” for its fertile economy, plus those who crossed today?

America is not going to change; no matter how much the neoliberal and conservative right refer to themselves, to their style of governing, as more Swedish, Dutch, Spanish; In the end, they end up the same as always, paying the flat fee to the global super cop for running the club and nothing more.

Manuel Camacho Solís, Antonio Velasco Piña and Pablo González Casanova have a singular coincidence: political power and governability in Mexico reside in the military, in no one else. What is the difference between an authoritarian nationalist regime (populism/pricomunist Guadalupano) and another technocratic-bureaucratic-military regime (neoliberalism)? The victim is society. Perhaps the government of the 4T has done something for the most needy in the country; however, neoliberals only want a welfare state for the rich. In general, the country is at the disposal of the United States; the administrators are changed, but the armed forces take care of the establishment. Even a civil war in Mexico is bearable for North America, but the invasion of the United States towards our country would constitute a defeat like Vietnam; the guerrilla war would be inexhaustible for the American Union, as well as the constant migration of temporary groups.

Mexico, in contemporary times, has always lived on the brink of chaos, no matter how ungovernable the Lopezobrador government is blamed, the neoliberals did not have the country any better and things will never improve.

When we focus on Mexican ungovernability, one wonders who manages it best for the US. No matter how ungovernable you want to manifest in Mexico, it goes as far as North America supports. Even if the extreme right longs for it with all its humanist soul, Mexico will not reach the levels of Peru, where the criollos can go around killing indigenous people left and right. Ungovernability in Mexico can reach the levels of the Mexican Revolution or the Cristero War; something else would mean a guerrilla war that could infect the southern United States and could trigger an American civil war, a flank for the real enemies of the United States: Islam, Russia or China, even Europe.

Has the Guadalupan pri communism of the 4T for the US ceased to be useful? No. On the contrary. Given the balances of ungovernability, authoritarian nationalism is better than military bureaucratic technocracy; unless the United States wants to make Mexico a real hell worse than Ukraine. Can the PRIANRD bring us to the level of the Ukraine? Yes, and they are capable of worse. Denmark or Sweden represent the sick beliefs of the aspirationists, it is not a utopia but a madness; they point to the populists as crazy, but to make the Anti-liberal Spains liberal is true marijuana.

Mexico is Mexico, and as long as you have the United States as your neighbor, you will always be far from God. Even if the PRIANRD triumphs in the next elections of 2024, the Mexican Army is the only link in Mexican governance, the neoliberals will continue to militarize the country, as much or more as AMLO has done. And, like good hypocrites, they are going to shed more blood as they did in Calderonism.

Anarchy is the limit for the absolute domination of the United States in Mexico. Meanwhile, only hell is the option of the false right and left.

Puebla and the resignation of the security agency

 Puebla and the resignation of the security agency

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

A few weeks ago, almost days after taking office, the recent governor of Puebla Sergio Salomón Céspedes petitioned the municipal presidents to allocate 25% of the public budget to security. However, the situation that has been generated in Sinaloa and the data on insecurity in Puebla itself, reveal the null capacity of the mayors to support the well-being of their citizens in a dignified manner, as well as the incomprehensible request of the governor. Only in compliance with correspondence related to police/citizens, most of Puebla's municipalities do not comply. What other monstrosity can arise when talking about training, protocols, weapons or infrastructure?

Before the death of Miguel Barbosa, Puebla occupied - at the level of state entities - one of the most serious spaces of insecurity, for this reason, although Salomón Céspedes's suggestion has a positive intention, the results will not benefit Puebla. The political scientist Mauricio Saldaña of the ICGDE-BUAP, provided scientific elements to demonstrate the delicate level that the crime of huachicol, drug trafficking, femicides, money laundering, impunity, kidnappings and extortion has reached; as well as the importance of building intelligent public policies to, at least, do "something" against the crime that has prevailed in Puebla for several years.

The study by María Amparo Casar, entitled “The municipality, an institution designed for failure”, has been constantly referred to, so that it serves to show that what has happened at the state level: feuderalism; It is also reproduced at the municipal level. It could well be called alcaldehueteria, but the social sciences have already worked on the subject long before and, instead of meaning useless neologisms, the pre-Columbian word cacicazgo is taken.

It seems that the state government does not want to assume its responsibility and proposes a gentle request to the characters who lead crime on a micro scale. Legislator Castillo, who heads the presidency of the permanent commission, could well report on these circumstances as he belongs to one of the most violent and criminal regions of the entity. This is what has been seen in the experience of Michoacán, Guanajuato, Tamaulipas, Veracruz and Sinaloa. The narcopolitics have more than surrounded the municipal presidents, as it happens in many states of the country and Puebla is no exception.

Federalism has served to expose the pathologies of patrimonialism, cacicazgo and clientelism.

Since the administration of Rafael Moreno Valle, there has been a contradiction between state and local governments regarding the issue of municipal police and security. The big loser has been society and the results are all the time in the red note. The increases in insecurity grow relentlessly due to the incapacity and corruption that prevail in municipal governments to which the governor "tries" to persuade.

Public safety in Puebla is already one of the main problems that future candidates for state government should seriously consider. It is essential to avoid solutions that have failed in the past, municipal police are not good for much, and the most important thing is withdraw the budget from the mayors of the most violent areas of the state to better develop the state police, or develop interstate programs that in the past have served to prevent the cockroach effect of crime. The most important thing is that the state government must not continue to dismantle, as Moreno Valle did and the subsequent rulers could not avoid it, the judicial structure necessary to link crimes and apply the law; Trusting in the ability of mayors -mainly within the state- to fight crime is akin to handing over Rome to Nero

As the electoral process for the governorship in Puebla approaches, the unity of Morena is called into question, but also the circumstances in which local interests have struggled to retain power. The dispute for political power in Puebla does not go unnoticed due to the growth of organized crime, particularly the issue of Huachicol and drug trafficking. Just as ICGDE-BUAP political scientist Mauricio Saldaña has numerically highlighted the growth of groups and criminal typology in the entity and, even, in the state capital; Now, the journalist Francisco Ramos Zerón in Reforma, involves a study on the criminal collaboration of some officials from the time of the marines and up to the present with these issues that have placed Puebla in the most serious levels of corruption, impunity and violence. It is enough to remember the passage of Facundo Rosas through Puebla and the collaboration with the accused in North America Genaro García Luna. The Huachicol has reached not only important extensions of the state but also a wide power.

Unfortunately, the narco and the huachicol dot several members of the Puebla political class. Those who are faithfully militating in their parties, but also the defectors. Ardelio Vargas has collaborated with all the political parties in the entity to reduce these negative conditions that affect various regions of the state, and nothing has been done. Is it because someone cooperates?, as the narco corridos say.

Francisco Ramos's note should encourage the political class of Puebla to inhibit their collaboration with crime and corruption, to do something about crime and accidents that have cost -and are costing- many lives.

It is true that barbarism could do little against Huachicol and drug trafficking. The delicate conflicts that have affected the holders of the Executive Branch in Puebla involve carefully observing the evolution of crime. Apparently, the security situation in Puebla is uncontrollable and nobody wants to do anything, but it is everyone's job, mainly the government. Of the government that all the political parties have represented and not only the current one. The rugged barbosismo could not take control of governance, avilacamachismo and morenovallismo remain strongly rooted in poblana life.

The relentless drug war

 The relentless drug war

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the Morenista government has been cornered for breaking the campaign promise to return the army to the barracks, the advance and strength of criminal groups in various entities is an indication that, outside the federation, there is no local government capable of protect the citizenry. Insecurity is a constant in local governments, more than in the federal administration.

The lack of clarity and transparency in the resources executed by local governments, mainly in state and municipal governments ravaged by the war between groups dedicated to the transfer of narcotic and psychotropic drugs, especially in the regions governed by the opposition, manifests the need to greater centralization in security policies and the disappearance of powers in those entities where governments should simply resign – or have done so – due to their impotence in the face of the force of crime.

The increasing progress of the protagonists in the drug war shows the need to increase budgets to develop security policies and strengthen the national bodies in charge of operating legitimate violence. Social readaptation centers and rural municipalities are structured on the basis of crime and require radical measures to be amended. State governments are more than permissive with local crime, feuderalism has been verified on several occasions and several state executives have been directly related to the mafias.

By 2024, regardless of the party that wins, the new six-year term must recognize the perpetuity of the state of exception that Mexico is experiencing and consider measures to strengthen the federal government and reduce the incompetence of local governments. Feuderalism was the true face of corrupting neoliberalism that was creating unpunished and criminal oligarchies, as well as exposing society to impressive levels of insecurity.

The reengineering of security in Mexico implies recognizing where the budgets must be exercised and the accounts that governments must render. Beyond the criminal ties and mafia sponsorships that officials in charge of civil order have, security indicators must also be considered for the revocation of mandate. The Sicilianization of Mexico is imminent and without serious proposals for public order, the reality of the Failed State also leaves our borders.

The exploits of the groups that fight in the drug war prevent any public policy from working. Local governments are ineffective, corrupt and incompetent, it is up to the federal government to be an accomplice or censor of these events.

Puebla: bureaucratic domination laid bare

 Puebla: bureaucratic domination laid bare

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The disappearance of the last governors-elect in Puebla has revealed the structure of a group crouching in the state public administration since the time of the Morenovalistas that, finally, can no longer hide and must face the task of showing its face to make some of its intentions manifest. policies or, at least, constitute the image of responsibility for the state of affairs in local government.

The state bureaucracy that has taken the reins of political power in Puebla lacks the strength and summons to form a powerful electorate with a view to 2024. They do not constitute an exalted technocracy but rather a trusted group that adhered to the guidelines of the leading leaders in the last fifteen years. This intermediate body always had a divided loyalty between the group that directed the government and the dark oligarchy of the factual powers as well as the regional chiefdoms; although, above all, he is distinguished by an eternal love of the budget.

Circumstances have given this clique the possibility of renewing the political cadres in Puebla, not only about new faces but about characters who have the opportunity to mark regional and local history. Fortune is also a capricious protagonist of politics, but it does not always indicate that it will provide society with what it truly needs. While the bureaucrats cannot believe the amount of power that emptiness has granted them, a poverty prevails in Puebla that gives room for all kinds of negative actions. That is the most serious legacy of avilacamachismo, the disorder to establish a status of permanent looting.

These brief representative periods of microgovernment are highly likely to be inconsequential. It is unfortunate that the federation and the national government do not insist on changing the poblano muégano. The inertia that has governed Puebla since Rafael Moreno Valle is no longer enough to maintain order and address some of the regional issues.

Puebla demands a political class, a project that encompasses the entity and does not remain short-sighted to only attend the capital or some of the regional development pivots. The south has become the north of the political compass that claims to represent the Fourth Transformation, although in the entity this is only a fallacy and misguidance. Puebla continues to be the Vladivostok of the National Palace, the dark shadow of Lopezobradorism becomes the harsh reality. And meanwhile, in the absence of political talent, the crouching bureaucracy worries about the assault on power and the best positioned political parties.

The staging of a media coup

 The staging of a media coup

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The attack suffered by Ciro Gómez Leyva has tried to demonstrate the repressive capacity of the Fourth Transformation against opposition journalism and, nevertheless, the communicator's own actions have ended up demonstrating that the members of the red circle are not champions of liberal capitalist democracy but mercenaries of the American drug empire in charge of carrying out an Operation Success in Mexico. True heirs of Jorge Prieto Laurens more than of Manuel Buendía. Or does Calvo Sotelo already feel?

From the moment the journalist approaches the home of Manlio Fabio Beltrones, the dilemma that arises between going to the corresponding authorities or the help of the magical godparents is observed. Gómez Leyva has been the promoter of a soft media coup against Mexico, by victimizing himself as a node of freedom and reflecting all the negative things that happen in the country during the AMLO presidency and not for years. Gómez Leyva does not trust the Mexican government, as hundreds of compatriots do in their usual reality, impunity has always been the whole of Mexico, not now. Mexico has been one of the most dangerous countries in the world for decades to practice journalism, it is not a current issue. I hope that the journalists of the red circle soon realize the aggressive reality that thousands of Mexican communicators live. The stupidity of Ciro Gómez Leyva to accuse that AMLO destroyed Mexican Denmark after 2018, shows the degree of corruption, cynicism, influentialism and affluence that aristocratic journalism lives.

Despite the fact that Gómez Leyva's critical ethics leads him to refute government results every second, the first thing he does is communicate with representatives of drug trafficking to request information regarding his mishap and almost propose a Sicilian pact while listening to the audience. This is not the case of other journalists who have inquired with the protagonists of drug trafficking groups to understand the logic of the struggle and government corruption, p. eg Julius Scherer. What happened to Gómez Leyva happened to thousands of Mexicans, from the combi or minibus to the domiciliary residences; but it must be recognized that his journalism encourages impunity and motivates violence as do the television series of the companies where he has worked.

The classism and aporophobia of the commentocracy of the red circle has no limits. Why does nobody remember the journalists from La Jornada and other local media outlets killed by organized crime in different entities? How many of the Mexican journalists have armored trucks? How are those in the red circle going to be the victims with so many billions in agreements? Ciro is not Manuel Buendía, on the contrary. Why isn't Gomez Leyva so critical of Loret de Mola despite the evidence of his lies and corrupt associations? Why doesn't he criticize the multi-million dollar agreements historically made by the companies where he has worked with the political parties in power?

Ciro Gómez Leyva, like Kate del Castillo, knows that the Mexican State has its limits and, sometimes, frankly in the majority, does not want to, cannot, confront the narco-power. The construction of a State depends on the governmental structure and the disposition of a people to form citizenship. The State without soldiers, bureaucrats and citizens, especially the latter, only exists in the imagination. The characters in question are not good Mexican citizens, nor are they willing to be, like the vast majority of society and, specifically, the groups that have greater economic privileges. The bourgeoisies are more prone to liberal anarchy than marginalized social groups, this can also be evidenced from historical inferences regarding the social order.

And, then, what is Ciro Gómez Leyva complaining about if with his actions he assumes that he prefers another type of patronage? Businessmen, drug traffickers or the CIA; that to harm Mexico are the same? What do you ask of the Mexican State if you know that it is defeated in the face of the drug addicted Imperialism of the United States of America?

The defeat of the Mexican State against US drug trafficking is total. The war cannot be won when everyone submits to the drug empire and the imaginary state is required to do something. Without taxpayers, without soldiers, without citizens, who is being asked to bring order? Over time, most of the actors submit to the account of the Yankee drug empire, it is easier to be part of the problem instead of building a solution. The narco-empire gives Ciro and Kate armored trucks and CIA agents, but contributes to the extermination of thousands of journalists who broadcast the war in their communities. It is not a self-attack, it is a coup and betrayal of Mexico.

Puebla: Is the alternation derailed?

 Puebla: Is the alternation derailed?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

In some entities, factionalism predominates over projects and political parties, as it has been in the entity where the avilacamachista cacicazgo reverberates everywhere. And as happened with the General from Teziutlán, death abruptly decides the political destiny of the people of Puebla. Although it is considered that true democracy lies in the end of things, fatality is also a totalitarian condemnation that cannot be evaded in Puebla.

The disappearance of constitutional governor Miguel Barbosa creates a power vacuum that affects local elites and shows the wear and tear generated by the anger between the center and the periphery, between Puebla and the Federation. Although the provostship of Maximino Ávila Camacho served to condense a rocky hegemony of the groups that supported his rule, the disappearance of the personalist leader generated a negotiation model and volatile loyalties that put Puebla into a facade governance. Rafael Moreno Valle surpassed avilacamachismo and tried to generate a platform from the local level to achieve the power of the republic, the fall of his person demonstrates the scope and cost of the provincial and oligarchic Grupo Puebla.

In Puebla, the struggle between the local PRI and the DF PRI continues to set the pace for power. The avilacamachista muégano is very strong, but always vulnerable due to his lack of project, loyalty and characters. Rural and traditional caciquismo cannot be the eternal mark of Puebla, such has been the message of the center for several years and of the incipient urban progressive middle classes, but the muégano from Puebla does not give in, it does everything necessary to maintain the conservatism and not move anything, not an iota of modernity or change. Although involved in the left-wing Morenista militancy, Barbosa did not always support the policies of the federal government and he confronted the progressive militancy of his own party, even coinciding more with the opposition groups to AMLO and close to Catholic nationalism. Empathy does not lie, nor do portfolios in public administration.

The succession in Puebla was imagined in a prospective similar to the capital of the entity, that is, a morenista government of reduced effectiveness that generated a political realignment in executive control. Although if you look closer, it seemed more like a plan with all the skill in the world. They even came to think: "Barbosa will not appoint a governor, but he will negotiate the best positions for his group", that is, the muégano from Puebla, the local PRI.

The vicissitudes of his disappearance left the Puebla elites of Puebla orphaned. Will they have Plan B, C, D or n? Will the Puebla Group be subject to the influence of the presidency of the republic, the demonized AMLO? Does the PRI of the DF have a free field, that is, Nacho Mier? The powerful Morenovallismo was extinguished in a triste, so it will happen with barbosismo, so it happens with the personalist factions in life when they have not been able to make parties, projects and, above all, political citizenship. Governments pass and Puebla continues to be one of the poorest and most marginalized entities in the country, the indolence of the elites is worse than that of Pedro Páramo.

The labyrinth of the population depends on the will-o'-the-wisp and the poetry of crime.