The perspective of autonomous and decentralized organizations in the 4T

 The perspective of autonomous and decentralized organizations in the 4T

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The history of the neoliberal era in Mexico could have a prologue that states: "Once upon a time there was a State...,". As much as liberal democrat political scientists raise the issue of transparency, civil society, public sphere and human rights, etc.; as a conquest of the neoliberalist stage, the truth is that the indicators and the popular conscience do not allow them to lie anymore. The international organizations that measure the quality of democracy, governance and human development have been there for more than a decade. The destruction of the State in Mexico corresponds to neoliberalism. David Collier, Menno Vellinga and Guillermo O'Donnell each built compilations during these decades to talk about the paradigm shift that the state conception of the neoliberals meant.

When President Vicente Fox pointed out that the country could be managed like a company, this reflected the managerial and economic vision that was adopted to build public policies from the vantage points of the new public administration (for example: Ramón Muñoz Gutiérrez, Eduardo Sojo and Ernesto Derbez). The managerial perspective, like the technocratic one, was a resounding failure. The Mexican State cannot be rebuilt if the intention is to destroy it.

In accordance with the basic notes of constitutional law and political science, the government headed by Morena and the Fourth Transformation are rebuilding the State, although due to the historical gap this is a setback for some clueless people, or else, the consolidation of Bolivarian Chavismo.

The State is the legal, political, economic and even ideological configuration; that a society chooses to coexist and govern itself. Autonomous organizations and civil society do not appear anywhere in the classical theory of the state. The islands that the neoliberals developed to maintain an influence do not protect society at all, they only constitute a distinctive element of the Welfare State for the oligarchy that the members of the red circle and organic intellectuals of the business and religious right yearn for.

The social doctrine of the Catholic Church must be put into dialogue with Carl Schmitt, who they love. Is that the State that PRIANRD wants?

The Mexican State has faced its enemies since the Constitution of 1857 and, mainly, the Constitution of 1917. Neither the INE nor the INAI are indispensable for the Mexican State. Defending the juarista and revolutionary spirit of the positivist constructs that give us homeland and freedom, is the task that deserves to be highlighted.

The democracy of the INE does not combine with popular democracy

 The democracy of the INE does not combine with popular democracy

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Liberal democracy does not have a good strain in Mexican society due to the colonialist caste system; even this is known by its defenders who represent not a social class but the vertex benefited by the pigmentocracy.

The IFE/INE was a failure from the beginning, but it constituted a new space for negotiation between the political parties and the PRI, between the clerofascists and the populists, to carry out concessions and graduate the radical democratic impulse of the masses. The electoralist pact constituted a form of Spanish canovism, that is, trading power alternatively, as had been done before within the Revolutionary Family.

Democracy in Mexico, due to the nature of its social relations, is generated outside of the political parties and the INE. Even outside the government. It is corporate, neighborhood, populist, neighborhood, small-town, union, cooperative and school. Ordinary people develop spaces for collective action however they can, because the different levels of government do not attend to them. Society understood that "democracy via competitive elections" was the game of the PRI members turned defectors and accepted by the PAN and PRD.

While the powers that be, partisan institutes, the media, liberal intellectuals and aspirational bureaucracy; defends the INE thinking that Mexico is Denmark or the United States, Mexican society survives the governmental orphanage of all political parties and autonomous institutes.

Jacobo Molina's motu proprio resignation shows that the INE was a space of looting and corrupting neoliberalism, it does not even have the capacity to defend itself. Where are the “true democrats”? The INE self-destructs because it never defended democracy or developed a civic culture. The factions that controlled the institutional electoral environment are coup leaders or cheaters; even both. They go to direct confrontation with the presidency of the republic because, as Lorenzo Córdova said, they are not equal; They are worse.

Pablo González Casanova has insisted for several years that Mexican democracy does not go through political parties, the government and much less the INE. Participatory, collectivist and mutualist social mechanisms exist independently of all. May it continue like this for the good of all.

Cuauhtémoc Blanco: president and Mexico champion in 2026

 Cuauhtémoc Blanco: president and Mexico champion in 2026

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Of course Blanco is better than Hugo Sánchez, Chicharito and several other players; as far as football is concerned. How could he turn out as president of the republic?

A few days ago, the controversy broke out in Mexican soccer regarding the terrible performance of the national team, as well as the increasingly evident corruption translated into full incompetence.

The former American player -and of other teams-, now governor of the State of Morelos, has been considered as a profile to get involved in management positions of FEMEXFUT or assume the technical leadership of the soccer team itself. The thematic influence of the issue allows us to appreciate the level of politics and sports. Governance in Morelos does not exceed the Mexican average, although it also seems interesting to weigh the possibilities of Blanco rescuing national soccer from his fatal condition. After all, one of the worst governors in Mexico: Enrique Peña Nieto, is admired like Vaclav Havel by the PRIANRD.

Should politics and soccer be linked? Could soccer be constituted as a populism that reconciles the social and irresolvable polarization that Mexico is experiencing?

It is not surprising that soccer as a mass sport constitutes the analgesic to alleviate the country's problems; on the contrary, the ambition of the political class that forgets mundane issues seems more serious and, even in the best outsider spirit of the parties, the partisan oligarchies are always afraid of authentic competition.

Some consider soccer to be the most beautiful religion. Could be. The looming world cup in the North American region is even configured as the opportunity for Cuauhtémoc Blanco to set up an axial presidential campaign in the soccer championship for Mexico.

A presidential candidate in sync with Mexico's most popular sport can change the dynamics of the succession of power. What does the United States prefer? An Ávila Camacho resigned to a developmentalism based on the North American maquila? How about a candidate who helps boost the economic power of the main global mass sport in the region?

I hope that Blanco tries to improve the governance and quality of democracy in Morelos, and that he is taken into account to lead the destinies of national soccer. Why is it that no politician with presidential aspirations takes the world cup for Mexico as the center of his national proposal? How many votes could Cuauhtémoc Blanco reach if he intends to break the curse of the fifth game in the World Cups for Mexico? Is what happens with national soccer outside of political power?

Politics is polarized, but soccer is a fire. Blanco is one of the best players this country has ever had and can contribute a lot to the national soccer team, which, unfortunately, is becoming more of a mousetrap every day. There the most popular sport copies the steps of national politics.

The Cancellation of Plan B

 The cancellation of Plan B

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The conflict between the neoliberal faction that is represented in the PRIANRD polypartisan pragmatic alliance and the political project of the Fourth Transformation, has taken an extreme difference in regard to the dispute over the INE. While the neoliberals bet on maintaining the electoral structure that bogs down the Mexican political transition in a delegative democracy, Lopezobradorismo gains in popular sympathy and confirms before society the hypothesis of institutional autonomy as a reference of the factual powers. The cancellation of Plan B does not contribute to weakening President López Obrador; Quite the contrary, in front of the bulk of the population he is transformed into a republican and nationalist Caesar who could count -if the polarizing spirit continues- with the social support to promote a reform that removes the hindrances of the old Mexican regime.

Delegative democracies lock the countries that maintain them in vicious circles. According to Guillermo O'Donnell, a sultanist government like that of Rafael Moreno Valle in Puebla and a progressive democrat like that of José Mújica fit into this context. The question is that the quality indicators of democracy, human development, economic growth, competitiveness, human rights and, above all, accountability; they are always on the decline, that is, failed.

Does defending the INE mean protecting Delegative Democracy? Of course. The trajectory of the Federal Electoral Institute and later of the INE, are accomplices and responsible for the delegative democracy that has made the interregnum between the old and the old regime in the country eternal. Critics of Morenista populism do not want to understand that they are the cause of radicalized social movements that destabilize the Mexican political system due to the meager results of neoliberal governance.

The exponential growth of vulnerability and the precariat in Mexico explains the arrival of the Fourth Transformation. Why does the PRIANRD defend a senile institution like the INE that no longer adjusts to the democratic challenges that Mexico faces in a post-covid world? Does the PRIANRD hope that the cycle of delegative democracy will last as long as the hegemonic dominance of the old Official Party? It seems that it is so.

Luis Carlos Ugalde has been one of the media references to observe the process that the debate regarding the INE has followed. The joke is only told, they say out there. But it is worrying that in addition to using the most retrograde forms, the defenders of the INE are also interested in polarizing as much as possible. They say they don't want civil war, are they sure?

Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

 Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

During the Mexican political transition, partisan turncoat has been the common behavior of many PRI cadres that have found a place in recent and incompetent political parties to form and train their own cadres. From the PAN, through the PVEM and the rest of the parties collect everything; The traditional PRI has been cloned, disguised or infiltrated. The PRI did not have the destiny of the hegemonic parties and, even, of the State, but of the dominant parties. That is to say, those who tend to form new slogans or tendencies and who consolidate in new political institutes the personalist or ideological fractions of the previous partisan institute. Now we are governed by PRI members of all political parties -as Granados Chapa pointed out-, or the PRI with its different personalist and ideological tendencies.

Senator Alejandro Armenta represents the political clique of Governor Mario Marín Torres. Even when it is stated that personalist political groups tend to be volatile and get involved in different adventures of collaborative factionalism depending on the historical context, the truth is that the links and political networks remain. What is recognized in the characters that add up and are incorporated into the electoral mechanisms that support armentism. The rotation of the political elites in Mexico, and in Puebla, obeys more to the course of the rotation of cliques than the alternation of political parties.

The political turncoat is a sign that there is a serious condition in the health of political parties. Although partisan migration was seen as a normal and healthy process in the evolution of the political transition, the truth is that it was defined in such a way in a temporary and not constant format. The permanence of the turncoat has deinstitutionalized the parties and, above all, the public function. The cliques replace the parties, which increases the margin of action of the invisible power and patrimonial behavior, true harmful elements of democracy and authority.

Puebla is experiencing a civic disease that is manifested in the characters with the greatest chance of reaching the governorship in 2024. Politics is the result of the collusion raised by the power cliques and, well, the results, indices and indicators are known to all. During the last decade, the quality of democracy in the state has been non-existent.

Morena in Puebla has no chance of electoral triumph if it is not with defecting cliques, the same happened with the first alternating government in the entity's history. But to what extent is so much turncoat healthy? Who is right in the dispute over leadership? How long will the political parties be real in Puebla?

The old regime and Puebla

 The old regime and Puebla

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The inconsistency of the Puebla Morenista government with the principles of the Fourth Transformation in Mexico has ceased to be a novelty. The entity lives a dark PRI night in the transition under the PAN and Morenista franchise. The indicators that evaluate the quality of democracy have plummeted during most of the alternating governments and are now in the standards of null certification. The PRI turncoat to the different political parties that have occupied the state government and the insertion of PRI collaborators in alternating governments, characterize the serious crisis of cadres that exists in parties other than the PRI as well as the lack of preparation or, outright , absolute incompetence in non-PRI militancy.

A few decades ago, when the PRI/system had heart attacks that anticipated the crisis of the regime of the Mexican revolution, Manuel Camacho Solís pointed out the excess of political empiricism and the lack of project and political ideology in the PRI members of the eighties in the Last century. Faced with the end of the Cold War and the beginning of globalization, it was necessary to technocratically renew the government and develop a new political doctrine in the face of the vulgar empiricism of the last generations that distinguished the PRI class. A little earlier, Daniel Cosío Villegas showed the exhaustion of authoritarian governance and coarseness that characterized Shared Development.

How valid the arguments of Manuel Camacho Solís and Daniel Cosío Villegas to understand the alternating state governments in Puebla! Only the PRI has political cadres to run the government! The other political parties are a hesitation that does not even reach a dark shadow. That is why Puebla is governed by PRI members of all political parties, the opposition to the PRI is simply annulled. PRI empiricism, no matter how vulgar and ordinary it may be represented, is the only way of effective governance in the face of chaos: an order at whatever cost.

The different spaces that parties other than the PRI have occupied at the municipal and state levels of authority are characterized by extreme disability. Now, the fear of alternating governments to the social movements that legitimately return to the streets to demand attention, well-being and spaces, impels the present government to return to PRI authoritarian governance. Before it was with the PAN Morenovallismo and now with the Morenista barboism, the incompetence overwhelms its dependencies and that is why PRI members are urgently needed.

Loyalty arguments to affirm and support characters from the old regime (better bad for known than good for knowing), are more incredible especially since most of the collaborators are defectors. How big is the betrayal, disloyalty and incompetence in the militancy of the other parties that it is necessary to return to the PRI?

The social, economic and political indicators that fail Puebla show us the type of public official who has been empowered by political alternation, but also holds society accountable; Every people has the government it deserves. What is the reason that President López Obrador does not pay a little attention to Puebla? Marta Eugenia García Ugarte finds the reasons in the extreme conservatism of Puebla.

The invasion of the narcorepública by the narco empire

 The invasion of the narcorepública by the narco empire

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The alleged US invasion of Mexico is a more than urgent need. The point is that the war must begin in the south of the American Union, particularly in states like Texas, Florida, Arizona or California.

Although the levels of violence have increased notably in the country, the case of Genaro García Luna illustrates that the bosses of the mafia and the real bosses of the cartels have established their centers of financing and economic power in North America, taking with them a large number of people, workers and hit men. Returning to George Friedman, Mexican drug companies have moved to North America, perhaps to conquer from there their share of the US market or to integrate with their Yankee partners.

The crisis of neoliberalism led to the fact that for a long time the caciques, cartel leaders, hitmen, accountants, traffickers and, in general, powerful men and women in drug trafficking structures, live comfortably in the southern United States, camouflaged as decent people and businessmen, they live in the neighborhoods, traffic lights, churches and prestigious restaurants with the bulk of the WASP population. The washing machines are, like García Luna's industries, on that side. It is necessary for the United States to throw all its weapons -including nuclear weapons- and have the greatest number of military troops available against the drug trafficking groups, but it is important to consider that these groups have moved to North America and from there they fluently manage the various businesses that strengthen their economic power and control structures over Mexico.

The conviction of the United States to seize Mexico is historic, it is not surprising because that is how it stole Texas and Northern Mexico, with strategies and forms full of abuse and cruelty. From a distance, nothing can oppose the purpose of the Yankee Empire now, since the condition of a Failed State that leaks everywhere is the main characteristic of a Mexicanness that, it is important to repeat, has its main mafia solidarity system in the south of USA.

The resources available to Mexico to defend itself count for nothing. Instead, the country must be cautious and allow the United States to intervene to subdue dissident groups in various regions. Northern Mexico no longer has any condition of governability and in several municipalities the power of organized crime is reflected in the families that have historically dominated their regions. The north of Mexico, which is the south of the United States, does not distinguish between Texas and Tamaulipas, for example, the attacks, settling of scores, levels of extreme violence, etc.; They are common.

Capitalism due to underdevelopment stimulates violence and informality, there are not always opportunities for North America to try to contribute to the formal governance of the country. Hence, the initiative of the American Republicans must be taken with courage and expect the strict attention of their armed forces. Hopefully they are more capable than General John Pershing, because we already know how punitive expeditions end. If the United States comes to liberate the regions controlled by drug traffickers and caciques, they are welcome; However, if they are only going to select new mercenaries, then drugs will continue to poison the youth of the United States, and the appearance of Mexamerica that will wipe out Mexico and the United States will be a reality in order to have full autonomy and the right of force to poison everyone. the world.