The historic defeat of the Atlacomulco Group

 The historic defeat of the Atlacomulco Group

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

There is a perspective of the Mexican political system that considers the Atlacomulco Group central within the Revolutionary Family. Their survival can now be located in the business sector, highlighting their role in the media -particularly in the case of LatinUS- where they cultivate sensationalism to make politics and more money; whichever comes first.

For this reason, the triumph of Morena in the State of Mexico is highly significant. EDOMEX represents one of the entities with the greatest economic capacity in the country, as well as a high electoral profitability. However, it is difficult to accept the idea of electoral realignment, as well as a landslide victory for Maestra Delfina. The metropolitan area shared by CDMX and EDOMEX constitutes a political reserve for the opposition, which also shows the exhaustion of leftist governments in the area. However, the most important thing to note is manifested in the operational capacity of the PRI structure to generate a highly competitive process. Morena's triumph is irrefutable, although the PRI and the Atlacomulcos endured twelve rounds on their feet.

The case of Coahuila is not minor, although it wants to disdain it. The history of drug trafficking in the region provides data to understand that, in addition to votes, the opposition electoral alliance seeks investors and raw materials to stay in the fight against Morena. Adding the PRI resistance of EDOMEX and Coahuila, the Atlacomulco Group breathes and aspires, and will continue to steal a lot, indisputably.

For this reason, more important than the electoral outcome in both entities, it is necessary to point out the catalytic consequences that the event had within Morena. From the sensible electoral celebration they moved to the internal competition for the presidential candidacy, accelerating the succession times and breaking down the scenario, a bit, for López Obrador.

Despite the fact that Marcelo Ebrard's conduct confuses acceleration with rationality and Atlacomulco with Solidarity, it is important to point out that the times for the chancellor are more than exhausted. Gutiérrez Canet at some point compared him to Ezequiel Padilla and the similarity was not idle at all.

In accordance with the popular rhythm that the alternation and the pulse of the Moreno republic have followed, Ebrard is completely removed from this dynamic. It is not only necessary to point out the lack of nationalism that characterized his work as a diplomat, the complete absence in the defense of Mexico and the identification with the neoliberal economic model. It is that the SRE constitutes a political cemetery or institution designated for ostracism. Given the conditions of imperialism and colonialism that Mexico is experiencing, what can be done from there for the country is useless, when not, marked as foreign to the country. It does not mean that the SRE lacks competent personnel, it is that nothing can be done for Mexico from there. And the current foreign minister did not even make a worthy use of the weapons of the weak - as Sola Ayape and Loaeza say - international law and multilateral organizations. The SRE is the wet dog of the United States and its profile is unworthy for many Mexicans. Just remember the accusations against Ignacio Bonillas and Ezequiel Padilla for their technocratic pro-Yankeeism.

Although Ebrard is the project of the Atlacomulco Group, his candidacy is made for the citizen movement that likes to lose by abandonment and absence. Absence from Mexico as the one that marks Ebrard's trajectory in the last decade.

The defeat of the Atlacomulco Group encourages them to consider that Ebrard could be the next Ernesto Zedillo, but the script has already been leaked.

Redesigning Latin American presidentialism

Redesigning Latin American presidentialism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The crises of the presidential systems in Latin America begin to break, as Juan Linz exposed, the weak delegative democracies of the subcontinent. And, in a particular way, in Mexico every time you can see a polarization of cliques that seem to seek the collapse of the political system.

The truth is that, outside of the United States of America, presidentialism is the most dangerous form of government to consolidate a democracy and constitutes the sure path to failure. For this reason, Latin American presidents -and the case of Mexico is unique- require institutional modifications that regulate the mechanisms and incentives of the presidential model and adapt it to their own contexts.

Analysts and academics who point out the need for US dynamics in Latin American presidentialism are flatly lying. In Mexico there is a whole legal and scientific justification to show that only with the supremacy of the Executive Branch, more or less, presidentialism works in an uneven way. To expose something else is to justify the coup or the civil war.

Governments in Mexico that have implemented crucial projects for the transformation of the country need decrees and, on occasions, frank contempt for the division of powers. Mexico is not the United States. Mexico has not been a liberal capitalist democracy, not even a polyarchy but just a failed delegative democracy where previous presidents to the López Obrador case, have governed with their backs to the constitution but with the permission of the corrupting patrimonialism that Mexican public officials and particularly to businessmen. Where were the great critics of AMLO and his peculiar style of governing when before they justified all the violations, extortions and scandals of the Mexican constitution?

It is only enough to compare the six-year term of López Obrador with that of Enrique Peña Nieto to find out who has betrayed Mexico. However, what is notable does not consist in the six-year witch hunts but in reformulating the presidential model and adapting it to our conditions and historical speed.

The emphasis on the context makes us consistent and our country is not the American Union, nor France or England. Mexico requires many political, economic and social transformations that inaugurate an institutionalization process so that the country does not invent itself every six years. Mexico needs a Charles de Gaulle to invent the 5th Republic because the Fourth does not convince the factions and colonialist cliques.

MORENA GOES

 MORENA goes

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

How important is the failure of liberal capitalist democracy for Mexican society? These days, different demoscopic studies have been established to demonstrate the social support for Lopezobradorism and the inability of the opposition coalition to show off a competitive political proposal.

According to the interpretation of the electoral topics, it is confirmed that the modernizing and liberal path for the country is closed. Although the immediate past indicated that the possibility of a country project went through three ideas: nationalist, conservative and liberal; the truth is that the latter has died of starvation.

The project of liberal capitalist democracy has been evidenced as a cultural and symbolic montage by the commentocracy, the neoliberal transitological discourse and the golden bureaucracy of the federal government in the fateful years of the Salinista and post-Salinista era.

Like any immaterial and malicious project, it had no positive impact on the Mexican reality.

Neoliberalism made Mexican authoritarianism more informal and chained - enslaved - the country to the United States. The idea of "Wild Liberalism" that equivocally describes what has happened in Mexico, points to the impoverishing factionalism that has prevailed in Mexico since pre-Columbian times and that is configured as an autochthonous anarchism that condemns vulnerability to the outside world.

The fragility of the Mexican political system vis-à-vis the exterior is shown in the failure of the neoliberal project and democracy through competitive elections. The national populist model promoted by MORENA has the legitimate support of the masses and a regional political migration is taking shape that pragmatically gives full strength to the morenista trend towards 2024.

Whoever aspires to exercise political leadership cannot but get involved with Morena and, suddenly, such a condition sounds excessive because it revitalizes the Mexican clientelist culture to the extreme.

The neoliberal discourse of the democratic transition failed because it had neither impact nor leverage. Because it did not promote a true liberal culture -civic, not savage-, it did not close the gaps of inequality and it did not strengthen the nation state.

The institutions of the Mexican State were riddled with bullets by the neoliberals and thus ended up creating the lopezobradorismo.

Now neoliberalism is associated with the conservative project, but it does not leave the technocratic, legaloid, civil and economic discourse; now also anti-communist, generally false, who cannot increase his electoral chances. How will there be different results if they want to do the same in these years?

The tragedy of neoliberalism drags with it Mexican liberalism and tries to fold it into a Chilean or North American-style neoconservatism. Liberalism has the task of returning to Juarismo and rescuing the vision that the enlightened generation of 1857 had for the country. The

The nationalist vision is also open to liberalism, but it must avoid the outbursts that divided the caudillismo and the constitutionalist perspective; With this, as can be seen in the Porfirian dictatorship, only the chaplaincy triumphs and, sometimes, we all lose.

CIA (Catholic Intelligence Agency). From John O´Really to Edmund Walsh

 

CIA (Catholic Intelligence Agency). From John O´Really to Edmund Walsh 

CLXP

In Mexico, the San Patricio Battalion that collaborated with our country in the war of 1846, defending it from North American imperialism in full expansion, is highly appreciated. The martyrdom of the members of the San Patricio Battalion was even as noble as that of the Niños Héroes de Chapultepec, hence, in commemoration of the gallant defense that the Mexicans of that time implemented against the North American invader, the generous sacrifice and immolation of the Irishmen of the San Patricio Battalion is an indelible part of national history.

Probably due to the human cost, the American Irish of the 20th century decided not to commit any more suicides, even if they were heroic, but that would bring them greater misfortunes than they accumulated in their emigrations and their own struggles.

The solidarity of the San Patricio Battalion with Mexico was an act of transcendent generosity driven by a natural Catholic syncretism. The cost was total for the members of the San Patricio Battalion. Irish Catholic support for Mexico would never be the same again.

The Cristero War that took place in Mexico, a civil war, although also promoted from abroad by the geopolitical interests of the Vatican, led to the intervention of North American Catholicism from a pragmatic perspective, but which was useful to complement a pacification process that was to the detriment of the regime of the Mexican revolution and consolidated colonialism over our country.

This condition resulted in the fact that the nationalist and revolutionary rhetoric became opaque and almost reached the point of being cancelled. Edmund Walsh and the different groups of North American Catholics pragmatically promoted the pacification of the Cristero conflict in Mexico so that the Catholic geopolitical strategy against communism would continue not only in Mexico but also in the United States and, prior to the Cold War, mainly in Europe.

Mario Ramírez Rancaño proposes a significant distinction in the Holy See's diplomatic approach towards the weak and the strong. In the global period between the two world wars, the Bishop of Rome faced geographical conditions that threatened the influence and hegemonic capacity of the Catholic Church. The cases of Italy and Mexico are representative in this respect. In Italy, the geographical power of the Church was reduced to that of the Vatican State, while in Mexico the Cristero conflict began. Ramírez Rancaño points out the different spirit of the Pope towards Mussolini and towards General Plutarco Elías Calles. With the Duce, the Vatican had a submissive attitude, while with General Calles, it showed a racist, classist and arrogant attitude of Pius XI. Power respects power, and perhaps for this reason the understanding with Mussolini was immediate and effective, while relations with Mexico required war.

The North American Catholics, the White Catholics (Polish, Italian, French, Irish, German, Ukrainian, Rumanian, etc.), exerted a notable influence on the foreign policy of the United States, but, above all, on the intelligence apparatus, particularly the CIA and FBI. The most significant role of that influence was the anti-communist rage that unfortunately founded several organizations and developed the dirty war strategy in various parts of the world.

Anti-communist paranoia in the vein of Walsh, McCarthy, Dulles, Donovan and Hoover; now it predominates in the IMCO, the PRIANRD and the business organizations that protect Claudio X. González. In the 20th century, the White Catholics prevailed over the Hispanic Catholics -among them the Mexicans-. It is nothing new and case studies abound. Mexico's course towards liberation, towards sovereignty, always seems to these groups the road to hell, the route of the communist Jewish Masonic conspiracy. What's next in the CIA's coup strategies? Claudia Sheinbaum's Jewish ancestry? The Merovingian lineage of Marcelo Ebrard?

Anti-communism is colonialism. Claudio X. González and associates do not have a project for the country and every day they discover their anti-Mexican and coup project. The White Catholics have always had a North American ultranationalist project, to which the Holy See adds, to which they have had to graft the WASP messianism and where the Hispanic Catholics do not fit. Catholicism in North America is probably the majority religion; however, the White Catholic and Hispanic Catholic distinction establishes that Ibero-America has no place in a geopolitical project that is increasingly eugenic, as can be seen on the northern border of Mexico.

Just as at the time of the Reform in the 19th century, Mexican society understands that conservative groups harm the social order; this is the reason that the land supported the generation of enlightened liberal Masonics and that now popular sympathies, according to electoral polls, benefit the National Regeneration Movement. Lopez Obradorism also has the support of Christian and conservative religious groups that seek to be independent of the North American hegemony. When the liberal generation of 1857 created the legal bases of the Mexican State, it did so with the support of a part of the population that was dissatisfied with the actions of the Spanish colony and the ecclesiastical bureaucracy itself. The liberals found in Enlightenment philosophy the appropriate means to explain the human rights of common people and to gain legitimacy to delimit the influence of the Catholic Church in a public order that was immoral for the marginalized social classes.

Mexican nationalism has a long historical background, which is why colonialist attempts only end up strengthening it. The Hispanic Catholics know that they are alone, that they do not count for anyone and, above all, they do not exist for the eugenic projects of whiteness. That is the reason that a party called MORENA reached a historic vote in 2018 and that those brown Catholic majorities in Latin America and North America put aside the imperialist strategies of the White Catholics.

The CIA could attend to new political experiences such as those exposed cinematically in, for example, the film “Our Brand Is Crisis”, with Sandra Bullock. Really try to do something positive, something good; they can start by rebuilding political science and international relations programs that regenerate Christian democracy. The scarecrow of anti-communism just doesn't work.

Puebla Levitical or Patriarchal?

 Puebla Levitical or Patriarchal?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the Mario Marín case left an indelible mark on Puebla's political culture, it is still terrifying to find that his strength goes beyond the political network he formed and is related to deeply rooted values in the social imaginary of Puebla. Poblano and Marinista are almost synonymous. Perhaps this is why the head of the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (Semarnat), María Luisa Albores, decides not to participate in the partisan contest that formalizes MORENA's candidacy for state government.

It is true that factionalism makes political cliques sterile and volatile in an authoritarian environment such as Puebla, but marinismo is unmatched in force. It is incredible that it causes more spasms that a woman has real possibilities, also legal as an unavoidable historical adjustment, for most of the political and business class to be linked to and have collaborated with the Governor of Puebla.

Feminist progressivism is difficult to understand, but what can be done in the face of a reality of gender violence as extreme as the one in Puebla. The social indicators are there and they are the absolute truth.

The possibility of a state government headed by a woman caused a furious reaction from the media, religious, businessmen, politicians and, mainly, converted morenistas. Political turncoat in factionalism is entrepreneurship, pragmatic leadership. And, for this reason, Rafael Moreno Valle assumed that Puebla could only be governed as Avilacamachismo did, although with the same costs.

Faced with characters such as Ignacio Mier and Alejandro Armenta, most of the political, economic and social structures have been articulated that seek to remain in force in the economic exercise of the next six-year term. The possibilities of a different candidacy, due to gender, legal and legitimate issues, present a high cost not only for MORENA but also for the interests of the cliques and factions that always know how to accommodate the highest bidder, including opportunist feminism as Rubí described it. Soriano.

Authentic feminism, whatever this means, as well as Morenista purism, must carry out a demanding exercise in self-criticism. Pragmatism implies the assumption of capital sins and diabolical commitments that lead to situations of vulnerability. The alternation in Puebla has lavished meager results because it lacks authentic work and capacity. Marinism survived thanks to pragmatism, and it will persist for several more years even if conditions are not favorable, but this is the meaning of Mexican politics, to survive and not crash, as happened to Morenovallismo. The limits imposed on a character like María Luisa Albores are due to this levitical and primitive sense of local politics; she is not her person, but what she represents

Mexico, the functional anomie of the United States

 Mexico, the functional anomie of the United States

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

What kind of international crisis can cause a conflict towards our country like the Mexican Revolution? A global crisis like that of 1909 for which the Political System was not prepared and which lasted until the first post-revolutionary governments (1940).

World War II generated the empowerment of the United States as a superpower and the industrialization of Mexico to be the manufacturing yard of the North Americans.

The global setting is more like the first decades of the 20th century and at times heralds events like World War II. Why can't we leave the 20th century? Why continue under the aegis of the United States?

In effect, the condition of changing the era is being prevented by the US, which is obsessed with continuing to exercise its imperial dominance.

The post-covid 19 world seems to be neither a post-neoliberal nor a post-EU world. The great changes announced even by the Davos Forum are stopped by the US with all its might and the cry of war against whoever.

The question is where the space that increased violence and the US economy will be executed. From Russia to Mexico, space is the least of it. The United States is not willing to cede its hegemony or share world leadership.

The backyard could go back to being like it was on the long night of revolutionary violence with the risk now of infecting the United States.

North American hegemony has become an unjust system, but it requires greater violence, iniquity, and contamination to continue. Could humanity endure another World War? Third? What was not considered impossible because it means total extermination?

The neo-Nazi intellectuals of North America point out that there is no other route than war so that the 20th century, and thus the century of the United States, does not end. And they proclaim that it is essential to attack Russia, however, as in World War I and World War II, America does not know how to fight. The Americans are not capable of sending fighters. America always wants the others to fight.

Mexico has become another pivot of the war for the US, although the costs are strong for the empire of the American Union.

The sabotage that North America intends against Mexico will no longer be like the one that triggered the Mexican Revolution. It will be worse. And for this reason, North America should no longer intervene in the 2024 elections, only Morena is capable of maintaining the welfare state that, despite its deficiencies, stabilizes the continuum of drug war that is coming.

Nor can America continue to sabotage Russia, the American century is over. Samuel Huntington warned of the vital need to revive the American identity. It's time for America to go home: green go home. If the war comes, it will be the end of an empire, the Yankee.

The junior narco narrative. to the cry of war

 The junior narco narrative. to the cry of war

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

In a materialist scheme of the social question, every scenario has exploiters and exploited, masters and slaves, love and victims. Now a new musical agenda configures a syncretism of drug culture and the young generations of the bourgeoisie.

The model of a narco-bourgeoisie has emerged that shows the maturity of the narco juniors and the consolidation of their economic power in an area that connects Mexico and the United States in an equitable and less imperialist way.

It has long been argued that beyond producing fentanyl in Mexico, a narco culture that is produced from the United States was developing and expanding rapidly, often with financing from drug cartels and that enjoys wide legitimacy and an audience in Mexico. . Today the global hit parade begins to distinguish and incorporate Mexican narco music, perhaps following a global progressive trend that cries out for the legalization of narcotics.

The music industry begins to pay tribute to groups that reproduce drug culture as a youth lifestyle.

But this condition begins to develop similarities with Afro-American music, also in its day identified with drug use and criminal violence. North America sponsors these new music genres to generate conglomerations of young addicts concerned with staying in style.

By not finding fentanyl production spaces in Mexico, the United States is forced to promote both transfer and consumption in Mexico. However, the great structural differences between the two countries have an impact on consumption patterns and the model reproduced by young singers is far from the real consumer.

But the fentanyl issue goes beyond music, vocabulary and clothing; it is altering relations between Mexico and North America. The dynamic is now reflected in the musical agenda that is promoted in Mexico and that is highly problematic since it promotes violence. Narco music is a call for civil war beyond the fact that violence and regional radicalism are honored. If the drug cartels decide to merge, it could even bring about changes in the economy and condition of several countries, including the United States. Drug cartels in Mexico could do what other trusts do on different issues.

Music is a formal and serious subject in our country, where there are different narratives that fight and threaten each other. Over the last few years, the history of this genre has shown that composers, musicians, performers and the public are victims of the differences between drug mafias. But, then, what does the US promote with narco music? Today the war genres that begin to identify Mexico and the upper class approve the alliance with North America as legitimate to continue destroying the country. The phenomenon does not constitute a new or different situation from what the United States always does: promote division.

It is undeniable that there is an urgent need to move forward with respect to the legalization of drugs and other issues, but this has to do with transfer and trade, not with consumption or the legalization and open promotion of violence. It is one thing to pacify the war between drug trafficking groups and another thing to openly promote drug addiction and violence. For many years, this was the strategy to control African-American groups in the United States that didn't work.

In Colombia, the United States promoted military bases and cartels and now in Mexico the intention of narco music is for the same purpose: to promote war.

Today the way of dealing with violence in Mexico has multiple paths. Music has its own way. One way to bring drugs closer to younger people is the musical collective. The cultural center of the country returns to the past.

Music of this type is a basic way of bringing drugs and violence closer to youth. Narco music is a non-stop path to destruction. What you see is an open invitation to drug violence and drug use.