Cpac. The Mexican Trumpist Right

 Cpac. The Mexican Trumpist Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

One interpretation that can be made of the event that Eduardo Verástegui called to establish a current of support for Donald Trump, fulfilled a proportional objective. The electoral competition for the presidency of the United States is becoming increasingly close and Mexican actors still resist understanding that they must participate and select a side. Standing at the end, waiting to see who remains in power in North America, can imply high costs since there is a different value in each proposal, Democrats and Republicans no longer represent Pepsi and Coca Cola, there are parties that propose different and antagonistic options according to the groups that are supporting them.

The fight, in the end, is between globalists and multipolarists. The Democratic Party resumes a global progressive populism that tries to maintain, on pins and needles, the North American hegemony and the territorial influence in each of the points that the geopolitical chessboard demands. However, after the Cold War and, above all, once neo-extractivist neoliberalism has failed, the Yankee Empire must retreat from its hegemony and, as the USSR did in the nineties of the last century, surrender its borders to give other central states the opportunity to influence its vital space. The Republicans are aware that the decline of the United States began with the “Clash of civilizations” proposed by Samuel Huntington and faced with the inability to influence it, they stood by and waited for a Christian nationalism that Donald Trump has been building.

Behind the right-wing Trumpist populism, there is a silent majority of Christians with different denominations that are overtaking the Republican Party. Donald Trump, like Vicente Fox in 2000, displaced the historical groups of Republicanism and has with him numerous religious groups from plural Christian sectors that contribute to empowering conservatism and the regeneration of the American identity.

Even though the North American Empire is in retreat, it will always be a giant for the neighborhood with Mexico. There are more coincidences between the Morena style of governing and the Trumpist Republican than with the Democrats.

The neoliberal right does not adequately interpret the signals from CPAC and Trumpism. The opposition has decided to preserve its islands of power to survive in the coming populist regime, but they leave aside the possibility of achieving greater integration with North America.

Donald Trump is proposing a conservative revolution in the United States to return power to the people of the middle classes, the multiple Christian churches and the WASP status quo. The lesson of North American exceptionalism should make us understand that these phenomena imply that the Deep State must legitimize itself in another way with society and the world.

The Yankee empire has an economic and social bankruptcy that demands the recovery of minimum freedoms and the reestablishment of social control over progressives and mythomaniac plutocrats.

The CPAC event brought together important actors who are seriously betting on emptying the PAN, MC and civil society, to support a conservative populism that will bring together the Christian nationalism of the American Republicans and the Mexican humanists.

Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

 Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Since the Arab Spring, it has become common to find manuals of anarchism and social resistance in different cyber spaces; the Internet has become the main tool of anarchists and dissidents.

The crisis of democracy corresponds more to the unjust development of liberalism than to populism.

Neoliberal democracy has become a plutocratic totalitarianism that insists on denying its responsibility for the conditions in which humanity lives.

It is difficult to deny the dystopia of the Z War if globalization does not change.

As in the sixties of the last century, imagination demands the impossible from power, but political power and, above all, economic power, is a sad, dry and old monolith that feels nothing, it only lives to repress.

That is why imagination, in essence, is rebellious.

The failure of democracy through competitive elections in Mexico has not yet been assimilated by the PRIANRD and the red circle that accompanies it.

The few seconds that the brief history of liberal democratic minimalism barely reached only confirmed the oligarchic vocation of the elites and the only means that society has to protect itself: social mobilization.

The utility of autonomous and civic organizations of civil society is insisted upon as an effective form of social protection. This is not true.

Democratic minimalism, like Francisco I. Madero, dreamed of turning Mexicans into Englishmen and that is how it went for all of us.

François Xavier Guerra points out that social resistance is the only way for the Ibero-American elites and oligarchies to remember the coexistence of pacts; and perhaps it is the same in all of humanity.

The loss of autonomous organizations is not the tragedy that the red circle exposes. The street and the cannon of the future have been the only means to dialogue with the elites, in France, China and the world.

Denise Dresser knows it, and the students of Ayotzinapa know it, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation knows it, and the groups dedicated to organized crime know it. The Hobbits know it, and even Donald Trump.

The cult of violence that the imagination proposes in these times depends more on the failure of the State and the Social Contract than on the failures of democracy.

Liberalism, once again, failed to civilize the powerful, and as long as the totalitarianism of economic power persists, only the streets and social resistance remain for the rest to survive.

The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

 The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible

As the change of government approaches in our country, the opposition to the Fourth Transformation structures the risks of the reforms promoted by López Obrador as a legacy of his political and social commitments.

The disappearance of autonomous organizations at the local and national level seems imminent; if the reform of the Judicial Branch is enough to shake the structures of the neoliberal oligarchy, with the disappearance of the civil spaces that structured the transition via competitive elections, the State shakes off foreign bodies that took away its power and sovereignty.

The changes generate uncertainty, tremendous expectations and doubts regarding the historical stature of some characters; It is true that profound changes do not depend only on those elected but on ordinary people who can cause alarm in critics.

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible.

With the arrival of López Obrador, the intention was to restructure state power and return to the interventionist and corrective dimension that corresponds to political society par excellence.

Is the Mexican State recovering and strengthening? It is still early to say so.

After the unjust North American intervention, it is clear that public institutions lack respect abroad and national strength is not considered under any formal criteria by the powerful neighbor to the north.

However, the union of the groups and parties that make up the Fourth Transformation intend to remedy, in some way, the neoliberal counter-reforms promoted during almost six six-year terms.

The architecture of the historical rupture that is intended seems titanic, it is not a return to the past but a liberation of the State from the future; it could also be Mexico's Armageddon.

The Morena reforms have to be so that the ideas of its political proposal are carried out, if the fourth transformation does not intend to be a banal populism but the Mexican resurgence, the opportunity has its doors open.

As always, History will point out who was at the level of the demands and circumstances.

Plurinominals and unfulfilled promises of the electoral system

 Plurinominals and unfulfilled promises of the electoral system

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The debate around the disproportionality that can be generated from the distribution of plurinominal legislators is meaningless from a retrospective and fair look, the capital sins are the possession of all and only after the conjuncture does critical action make sense. Mexicans voted in one sense and this must be respected; although it is not to the liking of electoral specialists inclined to the liberal democratic model.

For many years, intense academic debates and conscientious studies regarding the Mexican electoral system were never taken into account. It is enough to remember the ideas of Manlio Beltrones regarding Giovanni Sartori's proposal and the second electoral round. Were the parties aware of the studies produced by the Mexican Society of Electoral Studies? Did they include academia in their political proposals? Have the PRIANRD read different studies on electoral indicators? So, why did they never change the electoral system in time? What are they complaining about?

They all act according to their political capital and seek to remain in power. Plan C, as did the National Action Party and the Hegemonic PRI at the time, proposes the disappearance of plurinominals. Perhaps the disappearance of peanuts and pilones is better so that presidentialism works better. The brilliant minds of Mexican political science were never able to convince legislators to design an electoral system appropriate to the correlation of political forces and system of government, nor did they contribute to changing Mexican political culture and, less, the patrimonialism of the ruling class. We have what we want, we are what we did. It is more dignified that the opposition to Morena let Sheinbaum Pardo govern and do well

If the group that makes up the 4T coalition is an electoral alliance or different political parties, it has nothing to do with Mexican democracy. The distribution of seats must be based on the mechanical function of the operational text and there is nothing else to discuss. An electoral system that has blocked Mexican democratization for more than three decades will soon disappear, so each of the parties will get what it works for in social correspondence.

The opposition to Morena cannot seek in electoral judicialization what it did not obtain at the polls. With all the risks that a majority election like the one in 2024 implies, it greatly benefited Morena. The anti-democratic thing is to oppose this trend, even if the people are wrong; things are as they are, reason has never defeated reality. The opposition and the red circle that seeks to stop the electoral expression of Mexicans, still do not understand the message of 2018 and 2024, they keep their distance from society and close themselves off to the change of era that the world is experiencing.

The message of the elections requests approximation of the political class to society, government attention, public policies and respect. Citizens do not ask for Chinese accounts. Anti-Lopez Obradorism had a six-year term to compete, palm to palm, against the Fourth Transformation. They squandered all their opportunities and remain far from the majority, stuck in a political vision that Mexican political culture rejects in a crude and open way.

Morena won almost everything, the opposition has failed in almost everything; it is time to reinvent itself.

Amlo: The Next Santa Anna?

 Amlo: The Next Santa Anna?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Compared to the United States, most Mexican presidents have been surrenderists. It could not be otherwise, nuclear diplomacy and internal factionalism establish a scenario where tribal survival is the highest priority. As a tributary state of North America, Mexico must pay its quota or floor right and sacrifice what is necessary. Each Mexican president establishes a governance agreement where he accepts the balance between American demands and the internal demands of interest groups. Some Heads of State in the country have preferred to hand over remote control to the United States, others try to do a little with the little power that the Yankee empire allows. The idea of ​​the powerful president who can do almost anything is just a myth given the Mexican neighborhood.

According to the perspective generated by Fernando Escalante Gonzalbo and Roger Bartra, the post-pandemic and economic recovery processes are generating severe crisis scenarios for North America where emigration, organized crime and social problems make the insecurity of the United States polysemic and only the invasion remains. to Mexico to inhibit the gigantic accumulation of immigration from Latin America and particularly from our country. According to the rhetoric of the Republican Party - and the Mexican red circle - the issue of emigration and social conflicts in Latin America attack the neighborhood with the United States, mass emigrations seem to be proposing a replacement of the Anglo-Saxon population. Where is Mexican and Latin American emigration headed? To take North America. And the externalities that this situation causes can cause the disintegration of the American Union. The idea of ​​open doors that American society had had to emigration seems to be running out in the event that electoral support is directed to Donald Trump. For this reason, an invasion of Mexico is taking shape and, apparently, the government of the Fourth Transformation seems to be identifying with this situation because it is incompetent to remedy the problem.

The scenario of the War against Drug Trafficking deeply weakens the Mexican State and its Army. The blurring of national sovereignty in the face of organized crime leaves the free will of the United States to establish a cordon sanitaire to protect them. And, according to the rhetoric of American Republicans, the decision – although reckless – will not take long to be carried out.

From this point of view, the development that López Obrador is proposing in the South of Mexico has no other objective than to hand over the North of the country to the United States. The national security crisis that Mexico has in the face of drug trafficking determines that the United States takes control of the civilizational limits that José Vasconcelos proposed for the Mexican Republic. The territorial points that are contemplated to be co-opted by North America are strategic for the Maquiladora Industry, Assembly Plants and Development Zones where immigration can be stopped and the fight against drug trafficking can operate. The Mexican south is changing in its infrastructure and metropolitan area; But, now, the evils that influenced Mexican misgovernance are also migrating to this region, particularly drug trafficking, as well as the patrimonial bureaucracy and neo-extractivism that represents capitalism by distinctive dispossession of the Latin American oligarchies. Chiapas is a serious example, although other entities such as Puebla are not far behind.

Apparently, as in 1847, the president of Mexico has been a collaborator of the geopolitical strategy of the American Union. General Santa Anna shared significant information regarding access routes for the invasion, collateral damage, weak points, fortifications to take and all the information necessary so that, in a short period, the Americans could settle in the republic for almost a year. Even Santa Anna carried out a purchase and sale transaction. It should be noted that the Catholic Church also proposed the annexation of Mexico to the Yankee Empire.

For the red circle that seeks to deepen North American intervention, Mexico will be split if the Fourth Transformation continues for more than two periods. Nearshoring and the uncontrolled dynamics that the interaction between Mexico and North America has taken will lead to the North and West of our country being grafted to the American Union; However, in 2024 the vote for Morena was the majority in most of the northern states.

The perceived threat of Mexican ungovernability calls for AMLO to collaborate with the United States to avoid major problems. The United States manifests the true dynamic of protectionism towards Mexico, but the limits have reached the extreme.

The Pact for Mexico, one more Santanista act, ended up developing the harmful effects of neoliberalism, nor was the country modernized and the policies to close the economic and social gap were not implemented. Now, everything has become complicated. Drug trafficking is the most radical, savage and totalitarian de facto power; Mexico can no longer face it without dragging the United States into disaster.

North America faces the scenario of managing the situation of its imperial decline and economic crisis in the best possible way. She needs Mexican slavery and has the capacity to militarize the territories that her industry requires more than effectively. The border states in northern Mexico have left their nationalism as an increasingly distant echo; the economic and social reality represents a de facto integration.

Mexican nationalism is dependent on the United States, therefore, the degree of colonialism is not only reflected in the historical flirtation of the elites but also of society. Mexican emigration to the American Union has been more than a diaspora in the second half of the 20th century; However, even with a population greater than a whopping 50 million compatriots in Anglo-Saxon land, Mexico could not take over the United States; the opposite is logical. The Mexican economic dependence on North America signed since the Treaties of Guadalupe Hidalgo and reaffirmed with the Treaties of Bucareli, NAFTA and TMEC, which imply not opposing any resistance to North American interventionism.

The economic policies of the fourth transformation do not make progress in closing the difference between Mexico and the United States. The Huntington and Fukuyama gap extends, like the McLane-Ocampo Treaties, to the City of Palaces.

Trump and the pro-American right

Trump and the pro-American right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

The campaign for the presidency of the United States reactivates different tendencies of Trumpist groups in Mexico.

Republican Mexico, Eduardo Verástegui and a minimal PAN faction - separately - begin activism that seeks to generate sympathies towards the accused former North American president.

The meaning that the radical right takes on in our country depends on the future that Trumpism develops in North America.

The prospect of restoring integral and intransigent conservatism in Rome influences the former collaborators of North American anti-communism to recover lost islands of power in the face of populist progressivism.

The power of Marcial Maciel's followers, former phil-Nazi groups from Guadalajara and various national oligarchs, are eagerly awaiting the triumph of Donald Trump to regain power in the Vatican and position themselves in the power structure in Mexico.

The radical right in Mexico has not been shaped by the marginalization that the Hispanic right makes of the pro-US right.

However, once the PAN has been torn apart by adverse electoral results and ideological confusion, the space of the radical right appears as an ontological necessity in the country's partisan spectrum.

The idea that the opposition is non-existent after the electoral tsunami of 35 million votes only leaves room for radical and extremist movements.

Donald Trump's campaign for the presidency of the United States will also be an invitation to critics of the Fourth Transformation and, especially, to the enemies of left-wing progressivism.

Given that conservatism has a wide range of influence in national political culture, including Morena comprising various right-wing groups collaborating in its humanist coalition, now the possibility of a far-right party - even in satellite status - is not only an option alternative electoral, but it can also contribute to dissolving North American pressure.

Movimiento Viva México, México Republicano, Nueva Derecha Hispanoamericana, VOX, etc., represent the facades of probable electoral institutes that intend to join the crest of the conservative wave that is beginning to gain strength in Europe and North America.

Investment in North American lobbying

 Investment in North American lobbying

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Now that the heat of the US campaigns for the presidency of the American Union begins, Mexico will be a constant in the attacks launched by the candidates of the main political parties. Jorge Shabat held the idea that, since Calderonism, the Mexican government has forgotten the important role played by the mediators and intermediaries of the US political system and the effects on the image of a country in the eyes of North American public opinion. The war against drugs, the deep level of corruption and progressive populism are not the best letters of introduction in the face of a gringo electoral climate that demands Mexican blood to atone for the errors of its geopolitics. Mexico becomes the ugly mirror of Chinese, Russian and terrorist power.

A few days ago, during an academic event that invited the participation of Guadalupe Correa and Osvaldo Zavala, the analysis of drug trafficking in Mexico also exposed the consequences on North American public opinion and, above all, on political campaigns. The enormous symbolic power of Mexican folklore and gastronomy is being dangerously contaminated by drug trafficking, as has happened with music, religion and television dramas, to generate absolute stereotypes that harm the Mexican image in the eyes of the common North American citizen. In electoral periods, this translates into the selection of politicians who protect North American society from the danger of Mexican drug trafficking through whatever means are necessary. Although it is proven in Mexico that fentanyl is not produced and that drug cartels do not exist, the North American social perception is different and the Mexican government does little to defend itself there.

Due to the dynamics of national presidential centralism, the role of the legislative branch in the presidentialism of the United States is forgotten. Beyond the fact that Joe Biden or Donald Trump are increasingly similar, the risk lies in the fact that hundreds of anti-Mexican legislators can achieve seats through any party. For this reason, lobbying in the Congress of the American Union and local legislative powers is essential. Some studies in this regard demonstrate that the greater the investment in American lobbyists, the positive effects on investment, image and foreign policy multiply. Even in governments like those of Salinas and Fox, the beneficial effects of lobbying go so far as to propose policies that openly promote North American integration for Mexico. Unlike other governments and companies, it has been the Mexican rulers and the national political class who have abandoned the alternative.

Changing the perception of the American citizen regarding what is happening in Mexico is essential for our country that depends on North America. The masses to prevent Donald Trump from winning are useless in this sense, as are the speeches of social justice and the presumption of qualified majorities that, in truth, have the opposite effect. The little Russian boats don't help much either.