The reconstruction of Mexican State

 The reconstruction of the Mexican State

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The legislative processes that have generated controversy and irritation in the opposition that claims to characterize Claudia Sheinbaum's government as a dictatorship, imply nothing other than the deconstruction of the State after a neoliberal period that dismantled public institutions. The experience of the changes that removed the pillars of Mexican constitutionalism identified with the Mexican revolution, were more serious than those discussed now, unconstitutional and illegal, authoritarian and dictatorial - as in the case of the 500 murdered PRD members -; but the historical memory of the opposition manipulates the evidence and the process of counter-reforms.

The face of the Mexican revolution began to change since the presidency of Miguel de la Madrid, it was not in the friendly and democratic way that the opponents of the Fourth Transformation now demand. It is true that the parliamentary task requires the protagonism of the PRIANRD, but they should also turn to the actions that they promoted in the reforms that implemented neoliberalism.

The problem of the opposition was to believe that neoliberalism was forever and that, indeed, it represented the end of History. They did not prepare for competitive scenarios and neither did they contribute to the development of the elements that are the pillars of liberal capitalist democracy. They did not change the 1917 constitution, they did not develop a large and buoyant middle class, they did not modernize the productive structure and, above all, they forgot the important task that education implies in the country. They wasted more than thirty-five years. They ruined the integration with North America. Now they only have to pay the consequences.

Revolutionary nationalism and left-wing populist progressivism regain the institutional control of the State that they lost in this long journey. They were patient and constant, the merit lies in not losing hope and trusting in the errors of the neoliberals, who were almost all. The opposition has more responsibility for the survival of Lopezobradorism than the cultural characteristics of Mexican society. In the face of the constitutional change that the country is experiencing, the opposition cannot be fooled, they governed the country in the worst way.

The opposition cannot remain tied to a socioeconomic project that has failed and that they never seriously bet on achieving. The circumstances overwhelm them and they waste time trying to hinder a Fourth Transformation that has vast social support. This is how political power works in Mexico and the legitimate Hegemony is held by Morena.

José Antonio Crespo affirmed that the opposition was returning to the Gomezmorinista Struggle of Eternity, that is, to the study of ideas and the keys to propose another transformation that serves the majority and forgets about importing models that cancel their operation in the country.

Hopefully, the much-discussed reforms will go beyond the script of the silly republics that have characterized Latin America since its independence and invention, and that the law will be something more than just reading and not complying with.

Labastida Ochoa and the neoliberal rupture

 Labastida Ochoa and the neoliberal rupture

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although he corresponds with the politicians associated with Miguel de la Madrid, the last candidate of the Hegemonic Party PRI, Labastida Ochoa, joins the moral crusades that seek to regenerate the old Official Party. He is a moderate politician who makes his appearance, probably demanding that the old PRI be purged of the current leader Alito Moreno.

The moderation and prudence of Francisco Labastida led him to be the weakest candidate of the PRI that would allow the triumph of Vicente Fox. Just as Miguel de la Madrid was a politician imposed from the White House and supported by the Mexican ultra-right that prepared the arrival of neoliberalism, Labastida submitted to Zedilloism to accept the North American conditions that demanded political alternation in Mexico. The attempts to break with Zedilloism are probably inscribed in the tune of breaking with neoliberalism and recovering some shreds of the traditional PRI. It is undeniable what the former governor of Sinaloa points out about the anti-PRIism that characterized President Ernesto Zedillo, but it is also true that Labastida and the Atlacomulco Group accepted it without any complaint, probably because the benefits had been important or the alternation was inevitable.

The far right, Atlacomulco and Tecnocracia became the Mexican version of South American military technocratic bureaucracy.

The government of Miguel de la Madrid was the preamble to neoliberalism, although Francisco Labastida pretends a break with Zedilloism, the truth is that they have more similarities than dissonances. Just as corruption is innate for Alito Moreno, nationalism is not a credible card for Francisco Labastida. However, that of English and computing was - and continues to be - a great need of Mexicans; Fox himself ended up granting it.

The signs about the healthy distance Zedillo from the PRI can be instructive for Claudia Sheinbaum and Morena; Nothing is more certain in the defeat of a party in control of the government than the separation between the Head of State and the party from which he comes.

One thing is clear, the PRI will be a satellite party of the ruling party and those who dare to manage the operational structure are proposing themselves to the Group in Power as the best intercessors. The PRI culture is undying, but the PRI is in an incredible and tragicomic agony. The memoirs of Francisco Labastida will be an incentive to structure the narrative that explains the PRI degeneration.

Donald Trump: Unity against divisive progressivism?

Donald Trump: Unity against divisive progressivism?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Donald Trump: unity against divisive progressivism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Diplomat Francisco Cruz González, contributor to the magazine Siempre, refers to the risk of secession that threatens various political systems due to the development of the neoliberal economy and the social polarization generated. He alludes to the work of Peter Turchin to predict the conflicts between nationalist and globalist elites that are putting nation-states and the set of civilizations at risk, internally, as well as in international coexistence.

Turchin has formalized the discipline of dynamic Clio to glimpse the scenarios that megatrends configure in human cycles. From his perspective, not only has humanity been prevented from leaving the 20th century as Samuel Huntington claimed; it is likely that the Balkan wars will move to other scenarios. One of the most significant is the United States of America.

Turchin argues that North America is facing a civil war due to the loss of state control over the oligarchies and the affluence they have developed. The national reconciliation promised by Joe Biden's administration has not even begun and the ideology of his political party has deepened historical cleavages with accelerations that generate anomie and collective loss of control. Reconciliation is economic or, simply, represents a deception: love is paid with love, as they say in Mexican.

The impoverishment of Deep America and its loss in the face of the policies of the Democrats, causes the social awareness of the WASP population sector to confront the plutocracy as happened in the Assault on the Capitol during 2021. The Timothy McVeighs have felt excluded from the Democratic economy and the management of the country; the government's withdrawal makes their reactions understandable. Donald Trump seems closer to the New Deal than Kamala Harris and therefore has multiple supporters who will not accept an adverse result in the next presidential elections. The event at the Capitol was nothing more than a message to the oligarchy from the American people, the social revolution that can provoke civil war according to Peter Turchin's perspective.

Mexico represents an axial question in the American electoral political debate. On the one hand, it represents the failure of the government administration to grow the economy and benefit the American working class; on the other hand, it is a necessary social subsidy in the American productive structure. Donald Trump states that it is necessary to order and prioritize things appropriately for the United States. Probably, Mexico is experiencing that low-intensity war that Turchin speaks of.

Although Trump is not the ideal ruler in Francisco Cruz's scheme, according to Peter Turchin he represents the conservative revolutionary who can inhibit and avert the American civil war. Alain de Benoist considered that the conservative of the future was above the right and the left; probably that is what Donald Trump represents.

 

The Qanon Right

The Qanon Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A conservative movement is taking place in North America that escapes the structures of social control that the Republican right represents. It has happened in the past, businessman Ross Perot managed to accumulate broad sympathies from Americans who observed the decomposition of the public apparatus and represents one of the outsiders who advanced the furthest in the political system. Now, Donald Trump, who has been successful in reaching the White House and overcoming the Republican Party, is trying a second part in the history of American civilism.

For a long time, American public opinion has seen the difference between Republicans and Democrats as the same as that between Pepsi and Cocacola. The group that supports Donald Trump is diverse but focuses on questioning and rejecting the hegemony of a public apparatus that is limiting freedoms, security and order in North America. Trump is above the Republicans and some of them have decided to support Kamala Harris and the status quo of the ruling elites.

Despite everything, the semi-sovereign people of North America react. Polls come and go, no advantage is clearly defined and no one has a decisive scenario. Why is Donald Trump recovering in the polls and overcoming the minimum advantage? The Qanon Movement, studied as a phenomenon of North American conservatism among the extreme and alternative right, represents not only the silent WASP majorities but also social criticism of the bureaucracy of the federal government and the corruption of the White House; even the longing for peace in the face of the geopolitical deterioration that the administration of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have caused.

The Qanon narrative involves questioning various issues of political manipulation that distinguish the US government at home and beyond its borders. The Internet and various media have brought together social groups of the most diverse nature in Qanon. It is not only the unity against the de-wasapization that the Democrats represent but also the criticism against the failure of neoliberal and globalizing democratic politics. Qanon is a social revolution that transcends traditional media and government institutions of social control.

If there is a silent majority waging a synthetic war against the nodes of classical American political power, it is on the side of Donald Trump and is represented by Qanon. An amalgam of various right-wing and conservatisms, aristocracies and nativisms, identities and nationalisms, Christianities and singular devotions, scientists, doctors and social leaders who reject the costs of American imperialism. The American election also represents a consultation on the state of the world.

It is true that Qanon may be influenced by some American plutocracy harmed by the globalizing process; however, the global conservative wave has focused on questioning the damage that neoliberal globalization executes against humanity; democracy cannot be cohesive with neoliberalism in a dogmatic and uncritical way. The crisis of liberal democracy and the mental loss of political leaders who submit to the globalist plutocracy generate collective actions such as Qanon that have unforeseen effects.

Emmanuel Todd exposes the bewilderment of liberal democracy, Europeanism and globalization in the face of geopolitical chaos; they do not understand that they do not understand. The Biden administration missed the opportunity to reconcile the United States and the world; on the contrary, it blindly justified the sociopolitical path that causes so much damage to the various civilizations. Therefore, Trump and Qanon advance, the silent majority that seeks American regeneration prepares itself against the rebellion of the elites.

The political defection

The Political Defection

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

 

When the Cold War represented the reality of global life, the superpowers made political agreements with extremely authoritarian actors to justify control of space.

Each alliance involved a few bastards who suited them for reasons of geostrategy.

The political defection of our time can be expressed in this way.

The hegemonic party takes the elements and cadres it needs without questioning too much about their ethical performance.

They represent positions necessary for total domination.

Defection changes when it is to the left or right.

The left is oriented under anthropological pessimism and liberalism moves in optimistic defection.

During the transition to democracy, defection was considered necessary because it would imply the development of independent and convinced political offers as in those post-communist societies.

The formation of free and autonomous political offers would allow society to choose between consolidated and institutionalized political parties.

Defection represented possibilities of liberation and learning.

Change as the fate of the person, the destiny and the teaching of life.

On the left, especially the one that interprets Marxism in a fundamentalist way, defection is seen as a temporary necessity, but with the possibility of exhausting it in the immediate future.

For the left, defection has no solution or remedy, the defectors are disposable and, therefore, the Stalinist purges are observed in a context where it is thought that society is the same as communities of amoebas, bees or ants.

Political liberalism is a path of civilization and social optimism; populism is not.

For the dictatorship of the majorities, the cadres that defect to Morena and that are now theirs, do not have the capacity for regeneration and in the immediate future they will be discarded because there will be no possibility of development for them, the path is to support the riddle of popular sentiment.

The justification of transfuguism as established by Sabina Berman and company, represents the death of politics, that is, the death of the solution of conflicts through civilized and parliamentary means.

Berman considers that politics has to be done by other means, violence, for example, because that and nothing more than that, represents the Yunes Clan and in those canons they came to establish agreements with Morena; as the PRI and the PAN did.

Sabina Berman cancels freedom and politics. She recognizes in her conciliatory argument with Yunism that the parliamentary, ideological and governmental capacity of the Morena is ending and an authoritarian cooptation is approaching as the communist and Nazi regimes initially practiced.

French cohabitation in crisis

 French cohabitation in crisis

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The French model is always exemplified as a hybrid regime, with a double engine, a political engineering design that broke the curse of anarchy. France is one of the few cases where parliamentarism could not flourish democracy, it was necessary to destroy four republics for the fifth to function regularly; until now, when Emmanuelle Macron seems willing to blow up the political regime or, like Marshal Petain, hand it over to the Nazis.

The 5th Republic, one of the most admired regimes in Latin America, in addition to electoral innovations and legislative control, also moved on the assumption of courtesy and political civility. Mitterrand and Chirac, for example, despite the great power of the Head of State in the Gallic country, respected the institutionality of semi-presidentialism and tested the parliamentary engine when the legislative forces were adverse; Of course, the ministers of the cohabitation also showed legal responsibility and loyalty to the political system. The semi-presidential model, based on the speed of the French guillotine, is designed to force collaborative work between dissident forces.

The crisis of the traditional political parties has forced the French electorate to empower an outsider representative of the Ancien Régime. Macron's detachment from the bases and social movements in his country has been demonstrated on several occasions: repression, adjustment policies, reduction of social policy, incentives to the bourgeoisie, etc. However, the recent second round of legislative elections deserves to be taken into consideration by the presidential criteria, the commitment of the socialists and other progressive forces to republican democracy was more than evident; therefore, Macron's inability to appoint a Prime Minister who corresponds to the left-wing coalition must be considered as high treason.

In the future, Macron perhaps plans to govern with the criteria of Vladimir Putin. Russia also has a semi-presidential design that it has never used, it could ask parties like United Russia or the PRI, the ways to achieve a qualified majority and avoid the unpleasant compromises of the second rounds.

France is the big question of the multicultural model. The 5th Republic is not only admired for its ability to digest a participation that overloads democracy but also for proposing a governance design to generate collaboration between antipodal political parties and social groups with a high level of cleavage, rupture and social differentiation. Macron behaves like a mischievous PRI president; but the thing goes further, his betrayal shows that he deeply distrusts multiculturalism and radical democracy, also that he does not believe in the French institutional design.

Macron sides with the conservative waves that also embrace populism and violate democracy. The right-wing ideas of Le Pen, Zemmour, De Benoist and Finkielkraut are gaining ground in a rebellious France that only has the streets and the Arab Spring left.

Transfuguism and infiltration

 Transfuguism and infiltration

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The hangover from the electoral process has generated the partisan emigration of several political cadres towards Morena, which had been happening since the beginning of the six-year term; but, now, it has increased disproportionately after the triumph of Sheinbaum Pardo and represents an uncontrollable phenomenon. Beyond the opportunism and pragmatism that these practices constitute, the despicable nature of some cases allows us to frame a greater phenomenon: infiltration. Transfuguism manifests the main Machiavellian virtue, that is, simulation; which in situations of siege and imperialism such as those that attack Mexico, should be taken with greater interest and attention.

In the studies of the Mexican extreme right, the journalist Álvaro Delgado describes the infiltration processes that secret societies promoted in the different economic, political and social sectors; until reaching a degree of almost absolute control. Institutions such as the PRI and the Mexican Army did not represent a major obstacle to the permeability of external agents, nor did co-optation serve as an insulator or a method of control. Loyalties in societies in transition are inexplicable. The infiltration carried out by other types of secret societies such as drug trafficking, crime and foreign agents, how much can be regulated in Morena?

The Hegemonic Party that is glimpsed in the organizational future of Morena may turn out to be a façade due to the disconnection that is noted between leadership cadres, public representatives, militants and society. No organization escapes the iron law of the oligarchy, the issue lies in ensuring that the leadership corresponds to the goals and bases of the movement. The narrative proposed by Gerardo Fernández Noroña, in concrete terms, is partially disconnected from reality, to the benefit of Lilly Téllez.

The elites represent one of the most pessimistic axioms of the social sciences, but these historical laws can also be reinterpreted. The formation of good elites, corresponding to the historical moment that a society is experiencing, can be achieved by regulating phenomena such as defection and the development of forms of party control and institutionalization.

The new and recent passengers of Morenoism are not innocuous agents. The political class has represented a risk for the Mexican State due to its lack of education, commitment and characteristic patrimonialism; what other risk do they represent if they obey principles alien to the national interest?