“La cultura democrática del PAN está a prueba”
MARIO MARTELL
@laultima
31, MAR 2014 A LAS 00:18
http://intoleranciadiario.com/detalle_noticia/118573/politica/la-cultura-democratica-del-pan-esta-a-prueba
La lucha interna panista templará la cultura democrática de los panistas: Xóchitl Patricia Campos López
La doctora Xóchitl Patricia Campos López de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, en entrevista con Intolerancia Diario, señala que la disputa por la dirigencia del PAN pone a prueba la cultura democrática de este partido político. Además, estima que más que diferencias programáticas e ideológicas entre Ernesto Cordero y Gustavo Madero, quienes buscan dirigir al PAN, hay matices y diferencias en los estilos de liderazgo.
Patricia Campos López considera que la lucha interna panista templará la cultura democrática de los panistas porque en los últimos años se ha perdido la identidad panista derivada de un descuido —intencional o no— en la formación de cuadros en el PAN.
Para la investigadora de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, el gobernador de Puebla Rafael Moreno Valle no perderá con una derrota de Gustavo Madero, puesto que Moreno Valle juega en dos frentes: impulsando a una facción panista encabezada por Gustavo Madero y, al mismo tiempo, impulsando el partido político estatal Compromiso por Puebla.
“Es política, y los actores profesionales para nada son ingenuos. Porque antes de dar un paso ya dieron los tres que siguen”, califica Campos la actuación de Moreno Valle, promotor de Madero.
—¿Cuál es su evaluación sobre el proceso interno de la renovación de la dirigencia del PAN?
—Pues yo considero que la renovación de la dirigencia nacional debe observarse desde el contexto nacional, como del partido, dentro del sistema político. Dentro del partido hay que observar que esta es la primera vez que deja de ser un partido de minorías excelentes como fue su origen. Y se transforma en un partido donde las grandes masas del partido fueron convocadas a elegir de manera nunca antes vista. Es la primera vez que el partido se abre.
“Y si tomamos en cuenta que Acción Nacional nace como una opción democrática de una escuela de ciudadanía muy bien, genial, de alguna manera se estaban tardando. Si se observa como un partido de minorías excelentes, podríamos decir que algo ya está pasando con el partido. No es que los que militen en masa no sean excelentes. No se trata de eso. Hay que recordar que en el pasado los procesos internos habían sido sumamente selectivos. Los militantes se preparaban con mucho tiempo. Con antelación para cada proceso. Y el proceso podría recibir a militantes que no están entrenados sino va a ver esta preparación de mucho tiempo. El proceso podría recibir a militantes que no este entrenados previamente”.
—Si esos militantes no entrenados democráticamente del PAN pondrían en riesgo la identidad o el funcionamiento…
—Es muy relativo. Porque el panista tradicional se preparaba básicamente con meses de anticipación para una justa. Pero el elector en el proceso interno puede registrarse en el mismo proceso esto nadie debería verlo con sospecha. Vaya, estás convocado un padrón, votas y ya. Lamentablemente, el hecho de que en México cada partido político genera por una cuestión “genética” lazos clientelares. Esto le está preocupando al ala más conservadora del partido o más tradicionalista. En un principio, el PAN tenía un reglamento, había una especie de varios escalones de votación. O de colegio electoral. Eso aseguraba que quien llegara a la asamblea nacional estuviera mentalizado, hubiera estudiado muy bien sus opciones para ir a votar.
”Esta apertura de manera masiva si nos puede hacer sospecha en la falta de calidad de los votantes. Eso mete una sospecha en los sectores. Esto significa que uno se pregunte ¿cuántos electores llevará cada líder? ¿Cuántos electores meterá cada líder a la votación?, y no ¿cuántos electores irán a votar el día de la elección panista?”.
—La gente del ala olivista se ha preocupado porque los maderistas tiene a gobernadores de su lado. ¿Esto compromete a los gobernadores?
—Esto es algo que siempre se ha discutido en Acción Nacional. En Acción Nacional el militante que acaba de llegar vale lo mismo que el militante que tiene 30 o más años en el partido. Valen exactamente lo mismo. Aquí, a mí me parece que la formación de los militantes es importante en un partido, adoctrinados y educados en el ejercicio. No tendría que preocuparse mucho.
“Pero a mí me parece que, en efecto, Acción Nacional sí descuidó a su militancia. Y hasta hace dos años se comienza a preocupar mucho por lo que sería una escuela de cuadros. Vistas así las cosas, esto podría obedecer a dos cosas. Por un lado, por ganar las elecciones perdieron el partido. Entonces, estaban como más frescos y más preocupados por los procesos electorales y descuidan a la militancia. O intencionalmente descuidan a la militancia para hacer estas cosas. Para poder operar de una manera que no es tradicional en Acción Nacional y que es una práctica muy arraigada en México. Y así Acción Nacional se estaría comportando como cualquier partido político.
”Sólo que hay una ala muy purista de panistas formados no en otras generaciones pero sí en otra mística. Las de la vivencia cotidiana de los principios de doctrina. Esos son los que me parece que están como más preocupados. Toda la vida en un partido donde hay un elevado índice de cultura política participativa, el hecho de que venga el gobernador no implicaría nada”.
—¿Entonces en el PAN los militantes adoctrinados en la cultura democrática panista se salvan de la línea?
—En este sentido, hay un momento en la vida de Acción Nacional que a mí me gusta mucho. Del nuevo PAN diríamos. Cuando Felipe Calderón va a comerse la carne asada y ahí lo destapan el día de su cumpleaños, siendo secretario de Energía, cuando le hacen una carne asada sus amigos. Pues al otro día el presidente de la República le reclama. Y Felipe Calderón le dice ¿por qué me reclamas? Si yo lo hice en domingo. Yo creo que ahí le queda clarísimo a Vicente Fox, que aunque sea el presidente de la República, él es un militante más del PAN.
”Vistas así las cosas, pues sí, el ala que está sospechando esto está preocupada, es porque ha visto algo. O una traición venida desde la cúpula del partido para no adoctrinar a los militantes nuevos, pero la otra cuestión que han descuidado los panistas, el ala de Madero, se han desvinculado de los panistas con más tradición, al militante ‘viejito’, digamos, pues ya nadie lo ‘pela’ y se están renovando liderazgos. Cada líder llega con sus huestes y éstos no tienen la mística del partido”.
—¿Qué significa cada grupo?, ¿qué significan Cordero y Oliva?, ¿qué significan Madero y Cervantes?
—Yo veo más una cuestión de estilo personal. Como de estrategia. En los dos grupos hay personajes del panismo con altísima formación ideológica. Personajes que en el sentido que han vivido acorde a una mística. En los dos grupos podemos ver militantes del ala doctrinaria.
“Aquí hay solamente una diferencia de estrategias. Yo no sé hasta qué punto podamos ver a Cordero vinculado directamente con Felipe Calderón todavía.
”En el caso de que esto fuera efectivo. No hay que olvidar que Felipe Calderón ha librado una dura batalla con lo que en otro tiempo fueron neopanistas y que hoy se consideran el ala más tradicional del partido. No tradicional pero sí donde están los más doctrinarios, como Cecilia Romero. Efectivamente, si detrás de la alianza Oliva-Cordero está el liderazgo de Felipe Calderón ahí podríamos encontrar un ala muy liberal de Acción Nacional pero al mismo tiempo muy doctrinaria, muy consciente de lo que es la mística y que intenta abrir canales para la equidad entre los grupos”.
—¿El grupo de Madero qué significa?
—A mí me parece que al grupo más tradicional de la derecha católica y al grupo más tradicional dentro de Acción Nacional. Quizás de la derecha católica no, pero sí de la derecha más tradicional dentro de Acción Nacional. A mí me parece que más que dividir los grupos en dos grupos irreconciliables o demás.
—Juan Manuel Oliva es una vertiente de la derecha de Guanajuato, ¿es una escisión del Yunque?
—No sé si una escisión. La situación es complicada. Acción Nacional es un partido de derecha. Aunque se diga que no. Hay grupos católicos que no nacen de Acción Nacional, muchos católicos se siguen vinculando con Acción Nacional. En el grupo de Cordero hay panistas con un alto bagaje doctrinario pero si detrás del liderazgo de Ernesto Cordero está el expresidente Felipe Calderón, sì estaríamos hablando de una dupla Oliva-Cordero más abierta al diálogo, más abierta a todos los grupos, menos radical.
”Aún cuando tenga elementos menos tradicionales del panismo y verdaderos personajes dentro de Acción Nacional, hay que recordar que los neopanistas de ayer son los doctrinarios de hoy. Tarde o temprano los ‘rebeldones’ van a ser la vieja guardia y se mostrarán más moderados conforme llegan nuevos. Es un partido que no estanca a las elites, la renovación de las elites se dan de manera muy activa. El mapa dentro del PAN no está estático dentro de mucho tiempo. Aparentemente no hay estos pactos mefistofélicos. Siendo un partido con tanta vida.
”(A) Oliva muchos podrían identificarlo dentro del grupo de Madero y con Cecilia Romero. Pero qué hace del otro lado. Esto nos muestra la sospecha (de) que son el mismo grupo jugando en dos o tres frentes. Qué hacía Josefina Vázquez Mota el grupo de Madero y Cecilia Romero vinculados con otra derecha. Oliva vinculado con los otros grupos más conservadores de Acción Nacional.
”La pregunta salta a la vista. Hay una división que logran hacer alianza con otros. O si se mantienen como un mismo grupo en dos frentes. A mí me parece que más que dividir los grupos, en los dos hay matices en el liderazgo”.
—Con esta complejidad política al interior del Partido Acción Nacional los actores recientes como los que vienen del PRI, pienso en Rafael Moreno Valle, ¿tienen la claridad para comprender este complejo escenario panista?
—No sé. El gobernador ahora parece que está alimentado un nuevo partido político. Si estuviera pensando a largo tiempo no lo hubiera creado. Si estuviera pensando en alianzas coyunturales, pues pactar con un grupo dentro del PAN y alimentar otro por fuera, pues sería muy rentable.
—¿Juega a dos bandas el gobernador?
—Vaya, sino sale bien acá saldrá bien en otra parte, ¿no? El hecho de jugar en dos bandas. Desde el gobierno. Eso en México significa muchas cosas. Y al mismo tiempo apostarle a una facción dentro de Acción Nacional, pero al mismo tiempo fundar y alimentar un partido político diferente a Acción Nacional. Yo creo que está jugando y está queriendo amarrar los dos escenarios.
“En política, y los actores profesionales para nada son ingenuos. Porque antes de dar un paso ya dieron los tres que siguen. En este armar varios escenarios aparecen posibilidades y en el camino estamos preparados para todo”.
Saturday, September 17, 2016
Sunday, September 11, 2016
The Jacobson Operation
The Jacobson Operation
By Diego Velázquez
In earlier days Carlos Ramirez (16/08/2016) showed the interest of the US Embassy to intervene in Mexico's presidential election to support Margarita Zavala. Social rejection that has the PRI, and the likely alternation in the executive branch, generating a yankee inclination to favor the Right and Right-Wing Extremism in our country. For nothing is eccentric propensity to create a "Patriotic Alliance" call PRIAN to return homogeneous fascist interests of political, economic and social actors whose distinction lies in the seriousness of making constant attacks on the governments of Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia and Brazil before to amend the same. What is the difference between systematic violation of human rights, corruption of governments and assumptions prianistas Latin American contexts that describe? Even the Konrad Adenauer Foundation conservatively-of undoubted belonging reproves the PAN or PRI governments by index methodology democratic development.
The intention of the US government lies in merging the agenda of Clinton and Zavala to resume the implementation of pentagonism in the calderonato bled our society. The Democratic Party does not want to contribute to improving the situation of governance in Mexico but continue with drug trafficking necessary for the US young and the enslaving immigrants to subsidize its economic growth. The relationship between Mexico and the United States has been severely damaged during the Barack Obama because of his laziness and irresponsibility. His government will be responsible for the most serious damage suffered by the Mexican-American relations.
In the end, US Democrats have applied to be the Henry Lane Wilson seeking his Victoriano Huerta to place order. PAN want to be the Antonio Santacruz that is subordinated to the United States for hybridizing economic liberalism and maintenance vatican capital in the "modus vivendi" that allowed them to assist in power with the PRI dirty. From the attack on Pearl Harbor, America implemented a fascist consensus with Mexican radical religious right and whose dividends have been negative. The conservative modernity in Latin America is impossible because the model of local Christianity does not seek to stabilize social order through education and partnerships. Latin American Christianity is facing the Middle Ages and the homeland of Creole. Racism, xenophobia, classism and intolerance can not be the cement of a society. They agree to sacrifice the masses while their elites persist. Agree develop progressive dictatorships; however, the eyes of the Mexican far right are always in Europe, build the hispanoamericanismo instead of Pan-Americanism.
An example of the extreme right proposed order can be seen in the state of Morelos. The attacks on the government of Graco Ramirez are Yunque product, secret organization allergic to the republic, equality, democracy and peace. Octavio Rodriguez Araujo (26/02/2009) described how members of Testimony and Hope inserted in the CIDHEM built factions that persist in unbalancing any government where they do not receive their participation or dues. What other reason apart from pentagonism, has the United States in Mexico for a dynamic such as that experienced in Morelos is generated?
The country's relationship with the Republican Party, in practice, has been better. Even the prianista Moreno Valley recognizes that Ronald Reagan is the best of American presidents regarding the treatment to Mexico. An indisputable case is the relationship between Abraham Lincoln and Benito Juarez. Understanding and respect, collaboration in the path of liberalism and understanding of the historical, encouraged a full-fledged instant support between the bear and porcupine. Contextual conditions have changed; but the problems that almost caused the absence of the Mexican Republic and the American union, it is demonstrated that it can help in various ways.
Some of the externalities caused Donald Trump's visit constitutes the spotlight that illuminates the Mexican condition. Now, the Democrats have realized that Mexico exists and is important. Now, as in the nineteenth century, it is essential to support the development of the nation and state in Mexico; the extreme right elements that do not understand because their vision of society corresponds to the powers that allow the global order that the Holy See intends. Republic, Positive Law, Democracy, Freedom, Equality and Tolerance are conflicting values those who seek hierarchical societies caste, justice inspired by the Holy Office and education controlled by the Congregation of the Faith. If Mexico is important, for better or worse, it is necessary to think about the type of country and neighbor we should be. Nobody wants to have a scandalous, violent, uneducated, drug dealer, aggressive and foolish neighbor; however, most of the political and national economic class has been developed with these elements. The PAN, nationalist? False. In its reactionary vocation he has always been the destruction of the State and the Republic. The PRI ¿Nationalist? False. His cacique technocratic vision has confused mexicanity with corruption, they wasted decades for abusing the popular misoneism. Nationalists were only Plutarco Elias Calles, Lazaro Cardenas and Benito Juarez.
If the wall Donald Trump is present, it is because urgently needed policies to develop the state. The Democratic Party may lose the elections because it lacks a programmatic platform with respect to our country. Hillary Clinton is serious that has not responded to an immediate visit to Mexico. If Peña Nieto was wrong and threatens the world for helping Donald Trump with his false democratic leadership, where is the clintoniana proposal to contribute to the order and governance Mexicans under a peaceful scheme? Graver still is the tacit pact between the US Embassy and the secret powers in México. There is still time for a new ambassador and to decent treatment.
Antonio Santacruz, Victoriano Huerta and PRIAN; They are the product of pointsettiana look, the results are obvious. When America look to Mexico, and the world through the eyes of Abraham Lincoln may Benito Juarez and the emergence of a honorable neighborhood.
Can Enrique Peña Nieto overcome the animosity asking his resignation and overcome a scenario that seems like maderista government overthrown by the extreme right? Is Roberta Jacobson Henry Lane Wilson XXI Century?
By Diego Velázquez
In earlier days Carlos Ramirez (16/08/2016) showed the interest of the US Embassy to intervene in Mexico's presidential election to support Margarita Zavala. Social rejection that has the PRI, and the likely alternation in the executive branch, generating a yankee inclination to favor the Right and Right-Wing Extremism in our country. For nothing is eccentric propensity to create a "Patriotic Alliance" call PRIAN to return homogeneous fascist interests of political, economic and social actors whose distinction lies in the seriousness of making constant attacks on the governments of Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia and Brazil before to amend the same. What is the difference between systematic violation of human rights, corruption of governments and assumptions prianistas Latin American contexts that describe? Even the Konrad Adenauer Foundation conservatively-of undoubted belonging reproves the PAN or PRI governments by index methodology democratic development.
The intention of the US government lies in merging the agenda of Clinton and Zavala to resume the implementation of pentagonism in the calderonato bled our society. The Democratic Party does not want to contribute to improving the situation of governance in Mexico but continue with drug trafficking necessary for the US young and the enslaving immigrants to subsidize its economic growth. The relationship between Mexico and the United States has been severely damaged during the Barack Obama because of his laziness and irresponsibility. His government will be responsible for the most serious damage suffered by the Mexican-American relations.
In the end, US Democrats have applied to be the Henry Lane Wilson seeking his Victoriano Huerta to place order. PAN want to be the Antonio Santacruz that is subordinated to the United States for hybridizing economic liberalism and maintenance vatican capital in the "modus vivendi" that allowed them to assist in power with the PRI dirty. From the attack on Pearl Harbor, America implemented a fascist consensus with Mexican radical religious right and whose dividends have been negative. The conservative modernity in Latin America is impossible because the model of local Christianity does not seek to stabilize social order through education and partnerships. Latin American Christianity is facing the Middle Ages and the homeland of Creole. Racism, xenophobia, classism and intolerance can not be the cement of a society. They agree to sacrifice the masses while their elites persist. Agree develop progressive dictatorships; however, the eyes of the Mexican far right are always in Europe, build the hispanoamericanismo instead of Pan-Americanism.
An example of the extreme right proposed order can be seen in the state of Morelos. The attacks on the government of Graco Ramirez are Yunque product, secret organization allergic to the republic, equality, democracy and peace. Octavio Rodriguez Araujo (26/02/2009) described how members of Testimony and Hope inserted in the CIDHEM built factions that persist in unbalancing any government where they do not receive their participation or dues. What other reason apart from pentagonism, has the United States in Mexico for a dynamic such as that experienced in Morelos is generated?
The country's relationship with the Republican Party, in practice, has been better. Even the prianista Moreno Valley recognizes that Ronald Reagan is the best of American presidents regarding the treatment to Mexico. An indisputable case is the relationship between Abraham Lincoln and Benito Juarez. Understanding and respect, collaboration in the path of liberalism and understanding of the historical, encouraged a full-fledged instant support between the bear and porcupine. Contextual conditions have changed; but the problems that almost caused the absence of the Mexican Republic and the American union, it is demonstrated that it can help in various ways.
Some of the externalities caused Donald Trump's visit constitutes the spotlight that illuminates the Mexican condition. Now, the Democrats have realized that Mexico exists and is important. Now, as in the nineteenth century, it is essential to support the development of the nation and state in Mexico; the extreme right elements that do not understand because their vision of society corresponds to the powers that allow the global order that the Holy See intends. Republic, Positive Law, Democracy, Freedom, Equality and Tolerance are conflicting values those who seek hierarchical societies caste, justice inspired by the Holy Office and education controlled by the Congregation of the Faith. If Mexico is important, for better or worse, it is necessary to think about the type of country and neighbor we should be. Nobody wants to have a scandalous, violent, uneducated, drug dealer, aggressive and foolish neighbor; however, most of the political and national economic class has been developed with these elements. The PAN, nationalist? False. In its reactionary vocation he has always been the destruction of the State and the Republic. The PRI ¿Nationalist? False. His cacique technocratic vision has confused mexicanity with corruption, they wasted decades for abusing the popular misoneism. Nationalists were only Plutarco Elias Calles, Lazaro Cardenas and Benito Juarez.
If the wall Donald Trump is present, it is because urgently needed policies to develop the state. The Democratic Party may lose the elections because it lacks a programmatic platform with respect to our country. Hillary Clinton is serious that has not responded to an immediate visit to Mexico. If Peña Nieto was wrong and threatens the world for helping Donald Trump with his false democratic leadership, where is the clintoniana proposal to contribute to the order and governance Mexicans under a peaceful scheme? Graver still is the tacit pact between the US Embassy and the secret powers in México. There is still time for a new ambassador and to decent treatment.
Antonio Santacruz, Victoriano Huerta and PRIAN; They are the product of pointsettiana look, the results are obvious. When America look to Mexico, and the world through the eyes of Abraham Lincoln may Benito Juarez and the emergence of a honorable neighborhood.
Can Enrique Peña Nieto overcome the animosity asking his resignation and overcome a scenario that seems like maderista government overthrown by the extreme right? Is Roberta Jacobson Henry Lane Wilson XXI Century?
Wednesday, July 27, 2016
The Right will govern Mexico
The Right will govern Mexico
By Diego Velázquez
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/07/26/cuando-las-derechas-nos-alcancen/
Catholicism in Mexico is heterogeneous, and you can find different types that explain the behavior of the groups that make it up. One aspect that most distinguishes itself by its economic and political leadership is the radical religious right that identifies with the Catholic hierarchy and reserved secret organizations. The characters attached to this aspect assert themselves as Catholic nationalists; however, not nationalism you can call the subordination to a foreign state as the Holy See.
The main representatives of intransigent Catholicism the ecclesiastical bureaucracy and members of secret societies reserved- found in the political, national and global context, arrests necessary to vindicate his tenacious opposition to the republic, illustration and democracy. The ambiguity of the recent election results, is taken as an element to indicate the power of religious influence in society. Moreover, the beliefs of Catholicism are used as a threat against the government and the law in force.
A few weeks to date, the thought of the extreme right enjoins a new Cristeros. For high Catholic hierarchy and their dark allies, the PRI is no longer profitable beyond 2018 even though the country has been right in the past three presidential administrations. The election results that changed the map of the governorships encourage the PAN take advantage in 2018 presidential race and Christian fundamentalists intransigentism show a role to keep their place in the status quo.
The political group which currently holds the country's government is a synthesis of religious and neoliberal product of private educational institutions in Mexico right. The Church hierarchy forget that the errors and proposals of this elite are considerations learned by conservative educational model of modernity. The "Golden Boys" are the best expression of managerialism myrreinato configured in the vision of ITAM, ITESM, IBERO, UP and other higher educational institutions of local character. The fundamentalism intransigent Catholicism worry if the best politicians that can form are as Vicente Fox, Enrique Peña Nieto, Josefina Vazquez Mota, Aurelio Nuño, Felipe Calderon and Luis Videgaray. What is the sense of changing the party in power if the elite is it? Does the consortium have any difference?
The prominence of the extreme right appears to continue intervening in the state and turn back time against the mistakes that their pupils have achieved over nearly three decades. Although Francoism and Pinochetism are past experiences, reserved Catholic secret societies aspire to build a Mexican clerofascismo. The problem is that there is no longer communism and much reflection on the RerumNovarum or the Syllabus has failed to resolve their attitudes-and those who educan- respect of liberalism and neoliberalism. Its ambiguity conceals willful falsehood, is not the first time that try to subdue Mexico by concordats and trusts. The historic enemy and real danger is the intransigent Catholicism struggling to abort the State in the country, they have succeeded on several occasions. The Holy See has always been an imperialist geopolitical player.
Spain, for example, lives an unprecedented situation due to the radical intervention of the extreme right who wants to redeem the Phalange Catholic nationalism to build the perfect Christian society. It is likely that the political crisis from worsening economic situation in that country. Does it matter reserved to secret societies, to Opus Dei and the managerialists People's Party? Not at all. The whole considers sensible revive Francisco Franco and send the firing squad who believe in sin Republican ideas such as democracy and social justice. There also intransigent Catholicism is responsible for aborting a child 80 years ago.
Two trends appear arranged in National Action: the consortium and calderonismo. The consortium -primohermanodel peñanieteismo- is synonymous with absolute corruption and calderonismo not have hesitated to return blood to bathe the country. Despite the differences that have rights regarding globalization, comprehensive intransigent Catholics not want to lose their place in the direction of the Mexican political system. Along the way, the loser is the Mexican society. Is PRI unsustainable in the elections of 2018? How important it is for Mexico to regain rights presidency of the republic? If Enrique Peña Nieto belongs to the tables of intransigent Catholicism, what is the reason for proposing initiatives to revive the most reactionary voices? There is only one objective for National Action moose with the goal: ending the destruction of the country and encourage the plundering of its ruins. Rather than confront the business and ecclesiastical sector of the country, Enrique Peña Nieto behaved like Ernesto Zedillo to put on a silver platter the presidency of the republic to the delight of the many rights in Mexico. At the time, Zedillo was the great traitor to his party. Beyond economic policies that completely abandoned the ideal of justice of the Mexican State, the technocrat left his party boycotting all institutional spaces. Likewise, most of Peña Nieto decisions are to hurt the PRI.
The right-wing authoritarian modernization yearn to Pinochet, Franco or porfirista style, whatever the cost. The uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism will adapt to these alternative models through its Spanish, Italian, German, Polish, Austrian or French clerofascismo. But now the story does not put the joints of her. The case of Britain is similar to the collapse of the USSR. Neoliberalism and globalization are overcome. Companies must rethink the legal introspective for configuration, political, ideological, economic and social that suits them according to their historical rate. The clerofascismo survived because the Liberals needed their support against the Communists; however, the same Anglo-Saxon societies now ask a brake on the progress of savage capitalism. Geopolitics has changed. The fascist consensus flying the struggle against communism and the Judeo-Masonic conspiracy meaningless. Anglo-Saxon societies show a civilizational exhaustion that routes them back to isolationism and exceptionalism. His weakness is an opportunity for non-Western societies and liberal modernization processes.
The world is in door of new trends on the state; especially recovery. There is urgent need to deconstruct state public space, human rights and solidarity. Avoid this appointment will lead to social explosions or implementation of authoritarianism that worsen the overall situation. Catholic hardliners comprehensive know; but they do not want to understand.
The uncompromising argument intransigent Catholicism against social movements demonstrates its lack of commitment to Mexico. If Norberto Rivera Carrera believe in the God who claims to represent, many years ago he has abandoned their ministry. Scandals high ecclesiastical hierarchy demonstrate is that pedophiles, corrupt, rapists, extortionists, drug traffickers and terrorists are on their side. The Catholic bureaucracy wants to keep the Church of Silence, one that left the peasants Cristeros in the years 40s of the last century, with the "modus vivendi" was inserted into the political system and left the Cristeros peasants to their fate. Forgetting the masses, the intransigent Catholicism joined with the secret societies reserved for the middle classes and altaspara co-govern with the regime. Over time, the PRI also abandon the peasants, especially with the advent of neoliberalism. Professor replaced the priest in many areas, so in Mexico there are not enough priests, most concentrated in cities while the countryside and peasants were abandoned. Those who went to the countryside and the masses are teachers, are still there, so it supports the people.
Now the Catholic and Technocrat Elite wants to end the popular and peasant Mexico. The uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism promotes the destruction of social groups in Mexico. Peasants, Indigenous, University, Women, Teachers, Workers and Gays. The neoliberal right and uncompromising accepts the elimination of these social conglomerates for authoritarian modernization and economic growth regardless of the human and natural costs. Military accept implement the dirty work to keep their privileges.
Reserved secret societies and brotherhoods of various uncompromising nature have generated animosity against different social groups. The crusade against students, teachers, homosexuals and women shows the type of right that has reached our country. The role of the uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism exerts a significant influence in Mexico. The triumph of reaction hardly be inhibited. 2018 is a scenario built by the sacramental Catholicism to form a clerofascismo.
The PAN and PRI right, however, lacks a governance project. Oligarchies and aristocracies that are just looking to maintain their privileges, perks, privileges and corruption. During the cardenismo the people recovered the state, it is one of the moments where society had control over political and economic structures. It has distorted the history of that time; but it is necessary to recover the memory and the civic sense of the State who founded the revolutionary nationalism. much unity among Mexicans need, sectors of the population are divided and confused by the interests of the oligarchic groups. Social conglomerates have the daunting task of overcoming apathy and abstention. Social struggle is the only way that has served the country to curb abuse and corruption. Collective movements are the only ember to save the democratic and liberal republic.
***
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/07/26/cuando-las-derechas-nos-alcancen/#sthash.TJz9ds2D.dpuf
By Diego Velázquez
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/07/26/cuando-las-derechas-nos-alcancen/
Catholicism in Mexico is heterogeneous, and you can find different types that explain the behavior of the groups that make it up. One aspect that most distinguishes itself by its economic and political leadership is the radical religious right that identifies with the Catholic hierarchy and reserved secret organizations. The characters attached to this aspect assert themselves as Catholic nationalists; however, not nationalism you can call the subordination to a foreign state as the Holy See.
The main representatives of intransigent Catholicism the ecclesiastical bureaucracy and members of secret societies reserved- found in the political, national and global context, arrests necessary to vindicate his tenacious opposition to the republic, illustration and democracy. The ambiguity of the recent election results, is taken as an element to indicate the power of religious influence in society. Moreover, the beliefs of Catholicism are used as a threat against the government and the law in force.
A few weeks to date, the thought of the extreme right enjoins a new Cristeros. For high Catholic hierarchy and their dark allies, the PRI is no longer profitable beyond 2018 even though the country has been right in the past three presidential administrations. The election results that changed the map of the governorships encourage the PAN take advantage in 2018 presidential race and Christian fundamentalists intransigentism show a role to keep their place in the status quo.
The political group which currently holds the country's government is a synthesis of religious and neoliberal product of private educational institutions in Mexico right. The Church hierarchy forget that the errors and proposals of this elite are considerations learned by conservative educational model of modernity. The "Golden Boys" are the best expression of managerialism myrreinato configured in the vision of ITAM, ITESM, IBERO, UP and other higher educational institutions of local character. The fundamentalism intransigent Catholicism worry if the best politicians that can form are as Vicente Fox, Enrique Peña Nieto, Josefina Vazquez Mota, Aurelio Nuño, Felipe Calderon and Luis Videgaray. What is the sense of changing the party in power if the elite is it? Does the consortium have any difference?
The prominence of the extreme right appears to continue intervening in the state and turn back time against the mistakes that their pupils have achieved over nearly three decades. Although Francoism and Pinochetism are past experiences, reserved Catholic secret societies aspire to build a Mexican clerofascismo. The problem is that there is no longer communism and much reflection on the RerumNovarum or the Syllabus has failed to resolve their attitudes-and those who educan- respect of liberalism and neoliberalism. Its ambiguity conceals willful falsehood, is not the first time that try to subdue Mexico by concordats and trusts. The historic enemy and real danger is the intransigent Catholicism struggling to abort the State in the country, they have succeeded on several occasions. The Holy See has always been an imperialist geopolitical player.
Spain, for example, lives an unprecedented situation due to the radical intervention of the extreme right who wants to redeem the Phalange Catholic nationalism to build the perfect Christian society. It is likely that the political crisis from worsening economic situation in that country. Does it matter reserved to secret societies, to Opus Dei and the managerialists People's Party? Not at all. The whole considers sensible revive Francisco Franco and send the firing squad who believe in sin Republican ideas such as democracy and social justice. There also intransigent Catholicism is responsible for aborting a child 80 years ago.
Two trends appear arranged in National Action: the consortium and calderonismo. The consortium -primohermanodel peñanieteismo- is synonymous with absolute corruption and calderonismo not have hesitated to return blood to bathe the country. Despite the differences that have rights regarding globalization, comprehensive intransigent Catholics not want to lose their place in the direction of the Mexican political system. Along the way, the loser is the Mexican society. Is PRI unsustainable in the elections of 2018? How important it is for Mexico to regain rights presidency of the republic? If Enrique Peña Nieto belongs to the tables of intransigent Catholicism, what is the reason for proposing initiatives to revive the most reactionary voices? There is only one objective for National Action moose with the goal: ending the destruction of the country and encourage the plundering of its ruins. Rather than confront the business and ecclesiastical sector of the country, Enrique Peña Nieto behaved like Ernesto Zedillo to put on a silver platter the presidency of the republic to the delight of the many rights in Mexico. At the time, Zedillo was the great traitor to his party. Beyond economic policies that completely abandoned the ideal of justice of the Mexican State, the technocrat left his party boycotting all institutional spaces. Likewise, most of Peña Nieto decisions are to hurt the PRI.
The right-wing authoritarian modernization yearn to Pinochet, Franco or porfirista style, whatever the cost. The uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism will adapt to these alternative models through its Spanish, Italian, German, Polish, Austrian or French clerofascismo. But now the story does not put the joints of her. The case of Britain is similar to the collapse of the USSR. Neoliberalism and globalization are overcome. Companies must rethink the legal introspective for configuration, political, ideological, economic and social that suits them according to their historical rate. The clerofascismo survived because the Liberals needed their support against the Communists; however, the same Anglo-Saxon societies now ask a brake on the progress of savage capitalism. Geopolitics has changed. The fascist consensus flying the struggle against communism and the Judeo-Masonic conspiracy meaningless. Anglo-Saxon societies show a civilizational exhaustion that routes them back to isolationism and exceptionalism. His weakness is an opportunity for non-Western societies and liberal modernization processes.
The world is in door of new trends on the state; especially recovery. There is urgent need to deconstruct state public space, human rights and solidarity. Avoid this appointment will lead to social explosions or implementation of authoritarianism that worsen the overall situation. Catholic hardliners comprehensive know; but they do not want to understand.
The uncompromising argument intransigent Catholicism against social movements demonstrates its lack of commitment to Mexico. If Norberto Rivera Carrera believe in the God who claims to represent, many years ago he has abandoned their ministry. Scandals high ecclesiastical hierarchy demonstrate is that pedophiles, corrupt, rapists, extortionists, drug traffickers and terrorists are on their side. The Catholic bureaucracy wants to keep the Church of Silence, one that left the peasants Cristeros in the years 40s of the last century, with the "modus vivendi" was inserted into the political system and left the Cristeros peasants to their fate. Forgetting the masses, the intransigent Catholicism joined with the secret societies reserved for the middle classes and altaspara co-govern with the regime. Over time, the PRI also abandon the peasants, especially with the advent of neoliberalism. Professor replaced the priest in many areas, so in Mexico there are not enough priests, most concentrated in cities while the countryside and peasants were abandoned. Those who went to the countryside and the masses are teachers, are still there, so it supports the people.
Now the Catholic and Technocrat Elite wants to end the popular and peasant Mexico. The uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism promotes the destruction of social groups in Mexico. Peasants, Indigenous, University, Women, Teachers, Workers and Gays. The neoliberal right and uncompromising accepts the elimination of these social conglomerates for authoritarian modernization and economic growth regardless of the human and natural costs. Military accept implement the dirty work to keep their privileges.
Reserved secret societies and brotherhoods of various uncompromising nature have generated animosity against different social groups. The crusade against students, teachers, homosexuals and women shows the type of right that has reached our country. The role of the uncompromising comprehensive Catholicism exerts a significant influence in Mexico. The triumph of reaction hardly be inhibited. 2018 is a scenario built by the sacramental Catholicism to form a clerofascismo.
The PAN and PRI right, however, lacks a governance project. Oligarchies and aristocracies that are just looking to maintain their privileges, perks, privileges and corruption. During the cardenismo the people recovered the state, it is one of the moments where society had control over political and economic structures. It has distorted the history of that time; but it is necessary to recover the memory and the civic sense of the State who founded the revolutionary nationalism. much unity among Mexicans need, sectors of the population are divided and confused by the interests of the oligarchic groups. Social conglomerates have the daunting task of overcoming apathy and abstention. Social struggle is the only way that has served the country to curb abuse and corruption. Collective movements are the only ember to save the democratic and liberal republic.
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- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/07/26/cuando-las-derechas-nos-alcancen/#sthash.TJz9ds2D.dpuf
Thursday, June 09, 2016
The Priista Smurf. National Action and the story of a party defeated by the victory
By Diego Velazquez
Just see the light a work that has the best analysis of the political right in Mexico. The book, "When Mexico finished to fuck it? The Legacy of the National Action Party "coordinated by academic Cesar Cansino and German Molina, published by Editorial Mariel, brings together a group of analysts to interpret the experience of the National Action Party during the period of the PRI democradura well as in the transition. The work is the product of V International Symposium of Mexican Studies called "Between blue and good night" held in October 2014 at the Institute of Legal Sciences and the Institute of the Government of the BUAP Sciences. Researchers participated in this event as Victor Reynoso, Manuel Diaz Cid, Carlos Ramirez, Alberto Aziz Nassif, Juan José Rodríguez Prats and Jose Antonio Crespo, plus other good scholars, whose diagnoses were incorporated into the whole issue.
What happened to the PAN? National Action was transformed during the latter part of the twentieth century and change from original identity of Thomistic humanism to become a copy similar to the PRI. From the salinato until calderonismo, PAN development a marriage with the PRI that returned a ghost his old humanism. It is true that the same can be said of the experience he had the Party of the Democratic Revolution. And even more amazing, the PRI pedigree of the right and left has made pragmatic multiparty alliances meet in state and national level only to an exchange of brawls PRI in power. Mexican voting for the PRI or expriista, wherever it is to lose.
The need to survive in a democratic environment prompted the PAN to import of PRI tables and the road ended assimilating their genetic information. Although National Action tried to hide his callista roots for many decades, this ended up staying and coming up with full force when the PRI defectors began to arrive.
Economic, religious, political and electoral reforms and public safety; They are those that allowed the empowerment of the PAN like buddy of PRI since salinismo from today. Hence, as stated by Caesar Cansino (2014), National Action has the merit of having destroyed so supersonic Mexico compared to what made the PRI. When speaking of opacity, corruption, madness, repression and violation of human rights; the student surpassed the teacher.
After leaving the presidency of the republic, the PAN not returned to its origins; on the contrary, during the current administration it has created a diaspora of traditional PAN members that will remain wide until anoint their candidate for the presidency of the republic in 2018 to empty all their traditional and religious identity. Analysis such as this book are important because they give birth and prevent political naivete that, say people like Alvaro Obregon, is the worst social sin.
When expriistas boast local elections have generated alternations and no return to the past, the present document texts as evidence of their total lie. In Mexico today govern PRIs of all political parties and that, not you can call regime change and perhaps even transition.
Analysts agree with the idea of Cansino stating that the damage done by the PAN to Mexico is immeasurable. They will be centuries of work and reflection to promote a real change in the country. The election results on Sunday, claiming the analysis of works like this. If the acclaimed "return PAN" its true, then is urgent see correctly that of the seven governorships observed four are left to expriistas (and then, the scene of Manlio Fabio Beltrones is true PRI 9 and PAN 3) is strictly observed, it is clear one thing : the only formal and party worthy of the name remains the Institutional Revolutionary party. In most of the states where elections were held, a large part of the candidates came from the PRI. By now, 17 years after the alternation of the presidency of the republic, the fact that the PRI remains the matrix from which most of the candidates running political parties is an embarrassment to the institutional capacity of same.
The call is more urgent attention to parties that try to be different from the PRI, How is it possible that in all these years have not trained the necessary leaders to posit a genuine platform and candidates? When the president Felipe Calderón declared that every Mexican is a PRI before proven otherwise, described the culture and level of politics in our country. Why it has failed democratic consolidation? Why the PRI did not die? Because they never left the power, because they spread everywhere and the opposition has never been able to do your own homework.
The fact that candidates mostly have a membership implies that the PRI regime change has not occurred; on the contrary, the suckerfish and bad habits remain. This is the reason that democracy generally of poor quality and, in turn, phenomena like clientelism, corporatism and the chiefdom are updated. A significant case is Puebla, whose alternation has been rejected in recent years by the Democratic Development Index. Puebla is in the level of Guerrero, Michoacan and Mexico State. If the country is prescribed "medicine Puebla" then it will be necessary to prepare for further indebtedness, poverty, corruption and authoritarianism You really someone thinks that Miguel Angel Yunes, José Rosas Aispuro, Carlos Joaquin Gonzalez and Tony Gali will no longer rule as PRI?
The political turncoat is a constant in Mexican elections at all levels. In fact, the worst is yet to come when all candidates are PRI members. That is, painted and scenarios, candidates from all parties in the country will be PRIs and expriistas. What will happen to the former members of the opposition-although it is with the PRI, is that many characters will leave for independent candidates. This is one of the safest ways, for example, Margarita Zavala who no longer has a place in the PAN.
It has been discussed to the end if each society has the government it deserves. In recent days disapproval of the president of the republic has reached unprecedented levels. The case of coexistence societies led the presidential figure to end background in the preferences of the right and extreme right to focus on the figure of Enrique Peña Nieto the most radical adjectives according to the manual Civita Catolica. What is surprising is that, despite such discontent with the PRI and political figures, people continue to support expriistas. And then we get angry when you notice that the behavior never changed. What was not obvious? It is not given, nor will, in most expriistas the phenomenon of historical rupture; On the contrary, their behavior persists in a restoration of the authoritarian PRI. In those states where there was political change but the figure proved a winning expriista, it can be seen that there has been no change, no increase in the level of democratic quality and even authoritarianism has risen even more.
When studying the party system in Mexico during the time of Hegemonic Party, it said the opposition parties were appendages of the PRI. The left and the right were the institutes more bother with this categorization given the militant history that everyone has. However, reality has come to deny this memorable past. They are not appendages of the PRI, are branches, agencies, and putative biological children, legitimate and illegitimate offspring.
More serious is that Mexican voters continue to support the PRI members of all political parties believing that someday will be the historical rupture. The PRI is inmorible, nor can it be destroyed from within, nor can it be changed and the PRI only win him the PRI (disguised as PAN, PRD or Morena). Or perhaps, the Mexican voter abstentionism still hoping that one day there real alternatives in Mexican politics.
If Rafael Moreno Valle, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Miguel Ángel Mancera manage to take the presidency of the republic to the group of Enrique Peña Nieto, the PRI is the symbolic representation of the alternation.
Daniel Cosio Villegas and Roderic Ai Camp -two notable political scientists specialists in the Mexican system took for granted that political parties exist in Mexico, our life is reduced to power factions, cliques, groups and elites, all PRI and almost no difference in handling corruption when in power.
In Mexico there is a perpetual crisis of political parties, it just happens that society does not know how to put aside the institute callista cardenista participation. The PRI remains the Sun in our galaxy and political culture. Other ideologies or political movements end up giving space or co-opted against their overwhelming pragmatism.
Mexico Will it change? Someday the PRI will be finalized? In the short term the answer is no. José Francisco Ruiz Massieu and Manuel Camacho Solis saw inmodificable the regime and only bet on the arrival of new politicians, increasingly pragmatic groups, but always play to change without rupture,ie no change to the political system.
At some point the PRI thought of approaching social democracy and the model of the Netherlands where there are dominant parties in a bizarro world are democratic and honest PRI. Now, when corruption afflicts society and the inability of the political group in power it is immeasurable, it is necessary to consider the democratic corporatist model. The chances of Mexico as a liberal democracy are slim; if not nonexistent. No alternation at any level of government; the PRI continues to win everything, whether tricolor, blue, yellow, green, pink, citizen and, now, even rainbow. Pablo Gonzalez Casanova has outlined the idea of democratizing our corporatism for many years, it is a more logical view that belief considering the change via elections. Also, the Catholic Church -in before the Mexican Revolution moments he considered the creation of the National Catholic Party, which may have been one of the most important mass parties of Latin America.
Neither elections nor the parties constitute the path of political change in Mexico, before other groups armed struggle or foreign intervention arise, perhaps necessary return to the subject of corporatism and rewrite the history of the Mexican political system. Otherwise, the PRI elites and counterelites in PRI-isation process maintain a factionalism that increasingly deinstitutionalizes the country, impoverishes, steals and murders. If the effort and the lives of those who fought for democracy itself, then Mexico is lost and disappears is not valued. The return of the PRI nor the PAN bode well. And it is that the PRI always be the same. This is the real risk if the extreme right came to power in Mexico in the next presidential elections.
Cesar Cansino (2014) Mexico in ruins. PAN balances in power. Ed. BUAP-Juan Pablos. Mexico
Cesar Cansino and Germán Molina (2016) When Mexico finished to fuck it? The Legacy of the National Action Party. Ed. Mariel. Mexico
[1] The adjective was created by the independent candidate Ana Teresa Aranda referring to the PAN in the race for the governorship of Puebla
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/06/09/el-pitufo-priista/#sthash.RwiQ4ANs.dpuf
Tuesday, May 31, 2016
Puebla. La democracia Autoritaria
Poder | Mayo 25, 2016
http://horizontal.mx/elecciones-2016-puebla-la-democracia-autoritaria/
Elecciones 2016: Puebla, la democracia autoritaria
Bajo la gubernatura de Rafael Moreno Valle, Puebla se convirtió en un estado menos democrático. Lo que está en juego en esta elección es la posibilidad de consolidar un cacicazgo que no se ve desde el siglo pasado.
Ernesto Aroche Aguilar | Elecciones 2016
En Puebla la alternancia es una serpiente que se muerde la cola. La elección de este 5 de junio es una ilusión de participación ciudadana y democracia, pues habrá que elegir entre el retorno de la revolución institucionalizada y sus formas de hacer política o la consolidación de una tecnocracia vestida de azul que nació en el seno tricolor y sabe “de corporativismo, de clientelismo y de una política modernizadora autoritaria”, como puntualiza el politólogo e historiador Diego Velázquez Caballero. Es decir, Puebla tendrá que elegir entre el PRI de toda la vida o el PRI autoritario con las siglas del PAN.
Es la misma historia que se vivió en 2010, con una salvedad: el grupo del gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle podría estar a punto de romper una regla no escrita que venía refrendándose desde hace décadas –“gobernador no pone gobernador”.
En cinco años y medio de gobierno, Moreno Valle ha cimentado una clase política pragmática que no responde a colores ni a ideologías, pues lo mismo tiene posiciones en el PAN, el PRD, el Panal o Movimiento Ciudadano que crea partidos estatales, con oídos sordos a la sociedad que gobierna, pues responde con cárcel a los opositores (más de doscientos presos políticos, de acuerdo con organizaciones no gubernamentales). Y, lejos de modificar las relaciones de poder y fortalecer la democracia, ha subyugado, cuando no eliminado, a los otros poderes y contrapesos.
A principios de mayo se dio a conocer que el estado de Puebla se ubicó, en 2015, en el lugar 31 del ranking del Índice de Desarrollo Democrático de México, solo por encima de Guerrero. Puebla cayó a esa posición desde 2013, pues en el reporte previo había ocupado la posición número 21. El informe explica que fue en dos de las cuatro dimensiones que se evalúan donde el estado estuvo peor calificado: la dimensión “que mide el respeto de los derechos políticos y las libertades civiles” y la que mide la “calidad institucional y eficiencia política”.
En el reporte se agrega: “Es el peor resultado en la serie histórica desde 2010 a la fecha. Si examinamos la tendencia, Puebla comenzó siendo una entidad con bajo desarrollo democrático, luego formó parte de las entidades con desarrollo democrático medio y a partir del IDD-Mex 2013 forma parte del conjunto de estados con mínimo desarrollo democrático.”
Bloqueo a los independientes
Si a nivel federal se vivieron dos sexenios azules antes del regreso del PRI, a nivel estatal no ha habido más que dos polos de atracción, que son, en realidad, el mismo: la continuidad, encarnada esta vez en el candidato oficial Antonio Gali Fayad, o el regreso del tricolor, de la mano de la senadora con licencia Blanca Alcalá Ruiz.
En un estado en que la izquierda controló la universidad pública durante los años setenta y ochenta, y donde Andrés Manuel López Obrador sumó uno de sus pocos triunfos estatales en la elección de 2012, no hubo una candidatura fuerte de izquierda que aglutinara el disenso político: ni Roxana Luna Porquillo (PRD) ni Abraham Quiroz (Morena) lograron consolidarse como esa opción.
Y Ana Teresa Aranda (independiente) –la única candidata que logró sortear a fuerza de amparos y juicios políticos (14 en total) los candados que puso el gobernador a través del Congreso del estado y del Instituto Estatal Electoral (IEE) para impedir que candidatos independientes aparecieran en las boletas electorales– tampoco logró ubicarse como una contrincante de peso.
De hecho, la reforma al Código de Instituciones y Procesos Electorales del Estado de Puebla (Coipeep) se aprobó en agosto pasado para cerrar las puertas a quien intentará buscar la candidatura fuera de un partido político. Para empezar, se fijó en tres por ciento del padrón electoral el porcentaje de firmas necesarias para obtener el registro –esto representa 127 mil firmas en el caso de elección de gobernador–, y no de la lista nominal, como se hizo en la mayoría de los estados. Y se otorgó un plazo de veinte días para obtenerlas. (En Nuevo León, por poner un ejemplo, Jaime Rodríguez el “Bronco” tuvo cincuenta días para conseguir el tres por ciento de las firmas del listado nominal de ese estado, es decir, 103 mil firmas.) A la par, se estableció como obligación que los ciudadanos que decidieran apoyar una candidatura independiente tendrían que acudir en persona a las oficinas del organismo electoral para entregar su firma–condición que no se pidió en ningún otro estado.
Los candados se tumbaron a través de los juicios de amparo que llegaron al Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, y uno de ellos tuvo que llegar hasta la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, lo que evitó que los ciudadanos tuvieran que acudir a las oficinas electorales para ratificar su apoyo.
Aunque la lucha jurídica emprendida por Ana Teresa Aranda –extitular del DIF federal en el sexenio de Vicente Fox, y quien pretendía no solo eliminar candados sino que se le reconociera su candidatura y se le entregaran los recursos de las prerrogativas– evidenció el uso que Moreno Valle hizo de las instituciones para impedir candidaturas incómodas, acaso solo consiga fragmentar el voto del panismo tradicional, de donde ella salió para enfrentar al “tirano”, como llamó a Moreno Valle durante el único debate entre los candidatos.
Te estoy escuchando
El pasado 18 de mayo el diario Reforma publicó en portada que en Puebla opera desde 2014 “un centro de espionaje telefónico que intercepta conversaciones de adversarios del gobierno del estado”. La información, explicaba la nota, llegó a través de una denuncia anónima que incluía documentos y 271 grabaciones ilegales.
Dos días después, en el noticiario Al Portador, se dieron a conocer algunas de esas conversaciones, que incluyen una de Margarita Zavala, esposa del expresidente Felipe Calderón y una de las fuertes aspirantes a la candidatura del PAN en el 2018. También fue posible escuchar conversaciones de Rosario Robles, hoy titular de la Secretaría de Desarrollo Agrario, Territorial y Urbano (SEDATU).
La historia no es nueva: se había publicado en los portales e-consulta y SinEmbargo –en una nota firmada por el periodista Fernando Maldonado– desde mediados del año pasado. En esas mismas fechas se conoció también la compra de equipo de espionaje a la empresa italiana Hacking Team por parte del gobierno poblano,y se documentó, gracias a la filtración de miles de correos de la compañía con funcionarios mexicanos, que el equipo se usó para escuchar a contrincantes políticos, incluso al interior del partido del gobernador.
El baile de la corrupción
Entre los aspirantes que encabezan la lucha electoral, la tónica de la campaña ha sido la de la mutua acusación de corrupción.
La declaración 3 de 3 de Blanca Alcalá, expresidenta de la comisión de cultura del Senado, la puso contra las cuerdas. En la documentación que subió a la plataforma electrónica la priista reconoció ser propietaria del 25% de las acciones de la empresa Nacozari Gasolinera SA de CV y del 50% de la constructora Estilos Constructivos Sustentables, S.A de C.V.
Días después algunos medios que han cuestionado repetidamente a la priista, como Milenio Puebla y Cambio, dieron a conocer que la constructora es propietaria de un complejo de departamentos ubicado en la ciudad de Puebla, valuado en 11 millones de pesos, propiedad que no fue incluida en el 3 de 3. Al mismo tiempo se publicó que la gasolinera recibió los permisos de instalación en el periodo en que Alcalá fue presidenta municipal de la capital poblana, en un claro caso de conflicto de interés.
La cercanía de la priista con Mario Marín Torres, el exgobernador poblano que concluyó su mandato con el mote del “Góber Precioso”, ha sido otro de los dardos que de manera recurrente le han lanzado sus contrincantes. Incluso Antonio Gali Fayad mostró en el debate una foto de Alcalá y Marín juntos durante el registro de la candidata.
La sombra del exgobernador ha sobrevolado la campaña tricolor, primero por error de cálculo político de los propios priistas, después impuesta por los estrategas azules para atemorizar al electorado. Marín es un fantasma que Moreno Valle saca a pasear en cada proceso electoral, pero al que nunca tocó jurídicamente.
En el caso de Antonio Gali Fayad, el hombre que saltó de la Secretaría de Infraestructura a la alcaldía poblana y de ahí a la candidatura, todo de la mano de Moreno Valle, las acusaciones que pesan en su contra tienen que ver con el patrimonio que acumuló en su paso por la administración pública, y sobre los vaivenes de su declaración patrimonial.
En 2010, cuando presentó su última declaración como funcionario federal, reconoció poseer una fortuna de 87 millones de pesos, de los cuales 46 millones correspondían a casas y terrenos. Entre estos se encontraba una casa ubicada dentro del club de golf La Vista, que, de acuerdo con los documentos, costó 15.7 millones de pesos, aunque desde la elección pasada se denunció que la casa valía al menos 70 millones de pesos. Para 2013, cuando se presentó como candidato a la alcaldía poblana, su riqueza había bajado a 77.4 millones de pesos, a pesar de que en los dos años que estuvo al frente de la Secretaría de Infraestructura percibió un salario anual de un poco más de un millón de pesos. En 2016, cuando finalmente presentó su declaración en la plataforma 3 de 3, el monto de su riqueza cayó a 21.3 millones de pesos (más cinco cuentas bancarias con montos superiores al medio millón de pesos, y una sexta con un monto entre 100 mil y 500 mil pesos).
Los señalamientos contra los candidatos han sido lanzados, principalmente, a través de la prensa y las redes sociales. El diario El Popular documentó al menos 15 páginas de internet y cuentas en Facebook dedicadas a publicar información que golpea a uno u otro polo político. Todo esto en una elección que definirá, en términos prácticos, a un gobierno de tan solo un año, ocho meses y doce días. Apenas nada para una administración que proponga y logre dejar huella.
Porque, además, quien sea que obtenga el triunfo el próximo 5 de junio deberá gobernar con un congreso dominado por el grupo de Moreno Valle; con una Fiscalía General cuyo titular, Víctor Carrancá Bourguet, fue colocado por el gobernador panista y, luego de la reforma al órgano de justicia, ratificado en el cargo por siete años más por diputados afines al grupo en el poder; con una Auditoría Superior del Estado a cargo de David Villanueva Lomelí –yerno del exgobernador Melquiades Morales Flores, a quien se le atribuye el impulso inicial a Moreno Valle, pues en su sexenio lo colocó como Secretario de Finanzas–, también alineada; con los organismos electoral, de derechos humanos y de transparencia controlados por personajes afines al aún mandatario poblano; con un Tribunal Electoral presidido por Adrián Rodríguez Perdomo, exfuncionario morenovallista que trabajó a las órdenes de Juan Pablo Piña Kurczyn –hijo del exgobernador Mariano Piña Olaya, priista de formación y hoy diputado federal por el PAN–, cuando aún despachaba como titular de la Secretaría de Servicios Legales y Defensoría Pública.
Para Diego Velázquez Caballero, doctor en Ciencia Política e Historia, lo que se juega en esta elección, más allá de los 612 días de gobierno, es la posibilidad de consolidar un cacicazgo que no se ve desde la década de los treinta del siglo pasado, cuando Maximino Ávila Camacho llegó al poder y mandó durante sexenios. Se trata, puntualiza, de un cacicazgo modernizador “muy semejante al de Maximino Ávila Camacho, pues, al igual que el militar revolucionario, Moreno Valle le cambió la cara a Puebla, y lo más seguro es que en 2018 esta situación aún permanezca, pues al parecer el PRI no consolidó un proyecto alternativo y más bien se plegó al morenovallismo”.
Pero lo que está en juego rebasa las fronteras del estado: el grupo que Moreno Valle ha construido a su alrededor tiene intereses más allá de Puebla. Hace unos días Ignacio Rodríguez Reyna, director de la revista Emeequis, publicó un amplio reportaje sobre los negocios de Omar Yunes, hijo de Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares, candidato de la coalición PAN-PRD al gobierno de Veracruz. En el texto se detalla la ruta política del veracruzano y su salto a las esferas nacionales en el sexenio de Ernesto Zedillo, de la mano del oaxaqueño Diódoro Carrasco Altamirano, cuando este ocupaba la Secretaría de Gobernación federal. Hoy Carrasco Altamirano lleva las riendas de la Secretaría General de Gobierno en el gobierno de Puebla y no ha dejado de mirar a Oaxaca a través de José Antonio Estefan Garfias, candidato de la coalición PRD-PAN y primo hermano, por cierto, del presidente del PRI en Puebla, Jorge Estefan Chidiac.
Pero, además, tanto Moreno Valle como Yunes Linares tuvieron como madrina política a Elba Esther Gordillo. Rodríguez Reyna cuenta que la llegada del veracruzano a la dirección del Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales para Trabajadores del Estado (Issste) ocurrió gracias al acuerdo entre Gordillo y Felipe Calderón. Lo mismo sucedió con la candidatura del poblano en 2010: la “maestra” operó para que el PAN le abriera la puerta gracias a sus acuerdos con el entonces presidente del país.
Así, en la elección poblana no solo se juega un asunto local y la permanencia en el poder de un grupo político. La red de alianzas que ha tejido a su alrededor Moreno Valle cruza la región del Golfo al Pacífico. Sus aspiraciones presidenciales, además, no han menguado por más que las encuestas lo pongan lejos de los punteros rumbo a 2018. Pero antes que 2018 está 2016.
- See more at: http://horizontal.mx/elecciones-2016-puebla-la-democracia-autoritaria/#sthash.sWxipm9F.dpuf
http://horizontal.mx/elecciones-2016-puebla-la-democracia-autoritaria/
Elecciones 2016: Puebla, la democracia autoritaria
Bajo la gubernatura de Rafael Moreno Valle, Puebla se convirtió en un estado menos democrático. Lo que está en juego en esta elección es la posibilidad de consolidar un cacicazgo que no se ve desde el siglo pasado.
Ernesto Aroche Aguilar | Elecciones 2016
En Puebla la alternancia es una serpiente que se muerde la cola. La elección de este 5 de junio es una ilusión de participación ciudadana y democracia, pues habrá que elegir entre el retorno de la revolución institucionalizada y sus formas de hacer política o la consolidación de una tecnocracia vestida de azul que nació en el seno tricolor y sabe “de corporativismo, de clientelismo y de una política modernizadora autoritaria”, como puntualiza el politólogo e historiador Diego Velázquez Caballero. Es decir, Puebla tendrá que elegir entre el PRI de toda la vida o el PRI autoritario con las siglas del PAN.
Es la misma historia que se vivió en 2010, con una salvedad: el grupo del gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle podría estar a punto de romper una regla no escrita que venía refrendándose desde hace décadas –“gobernador no pone gobernador”.
En cinco años y medio de gobierno, Moreno Valle ha cimentado una clase política pragmática que no responde a colores ni a ideologías, pues lo mismo tiene posiciones en el PAN, el PRD, el Panal o Movimiento Ciudadano que crea partidos estatales, con oídos sordos a la sociedad que gobierna, pues responde con cárcel a los opositores (más de doscientos presos políticos, de acuerdo con organizaciones no gubernamentales). Y, lejos de modificar las relaciones de poder y fortalecer la democracia, ha subyugado, cuando no eliminado, a los otros poderes y contrapesos.
A principios de mayo se dio a conocer que el estado de Puebla se ubicó, en 2015, en el lugar 31 del ranking del Índice de Desarrollo Democrático de México, solo por encima de Guerrero. Puebla cayó a esa posición desde 2013, pues en el reporte previo había ocupado la posición número 21. El informe explica que fue en dos de las cuatro dimensiones que se evalúan donde el estado estuvo peor calificado: la dimensión “que mide el respeto de los derechos políticos y las libertades civiles” y la que mide la “calidad institucional y eficiencia política”.
En el reporte se agrega: “Es el peor resultado en la serie histórica desde 2010 a la fecha. Si examinamos la tendencia, Puebla comenzó siendo una entidad con bajo desarrollo democrático, luego formó parte de las entidades con desarrollo democrático medio y a partir del IDD-Mex 2013 forma parte del conjunto de estados con mínimo desarrollo democrático.”
Bloqueo a los independientes
Si a nivel federal se vivieron dos sexenios azules antes del regreso del PRI, a nivel estatal no ha habido más que dos polos de atracción, que son, en realidad, el mismo: la continuidad, encarnada esta vez en el candidato oficial Antonio Gali Fayad, o el regreso del tricolor, de la mano de la senadora con licencia Blanca Alcalá Ruiz.
En un estado en que la izquierda controló la universidad pública durante los años setenta y ochenta, y donde Andrés Manuel López Obrador sumó uno de sus pocos triunfos estatales en la elección de 2012, no hubo una candidatura fuerte de izquierda que aglutinara el disenso político: ni Roxana Luna Porquillo (PRD) ni Abraham Quiroz (Morena) lograron consolidarse como esa opción.
Y Ana Teresa Aranda (independiente) –la única candidata que logró sortear a fuerza de amparos y juicios políticos (14 en total) los candados que puso el gobernador a través del Congreso del estado y del Instituto Estatal Electoral (IEE) para impedir que candidatos independientes aparecieran en las boletas electorales– tampoco logró ubicarse como una contrincante de peso.
De hecho, la reforma al Código de Instituciones y Procesos Electorales del Estado de Puebla (Coipeep) se aprobó en agosto pasado para cerrar las puertas a quien intentará buscar la candidatura fuera de un partido político. Para empezar, se fijó en tres por ciento del padrón electoral el porcentaje de firmas necesarias para obtener el registro –esto representa 127 mil firmas en el caso de elección de gobernador–, y no de la lista nominal, como se hizo en la mayoría de los estados. Y se otorgó un plazo de veinte días para obtenerlas. (En Nuevo León, por poner un ejemplo, Jaime Rodríguez el “Bronco” tuvo cincuenta días para conseguir el tres por ciento de las firmas del listado nominal de ese estado, es decir, 103 mil firmas.) A la par, se estableció como obligación que los ciudadanos que decidieran apoyar una candidatura independiente tendrían que acudir en persona a las oficinas del organismo electoral para entregar su firma–condición que no se pidió en ningún otro estado.
Los candados se tumbaron a través de los juicios de amparo que llegaron al Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, y uno de ellos tuvo que llegar hasta la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, lo que evitó que los ciudadanos tuvieran que acudir a las oficinas electorales para ratificar su apoyo.
Aunque la lucha jurídica emprendida por Ana Teresa Aranda –extitular del DIF federal en el sexenio de Vicente Fox, y quien pretendía no solo eliminar candados sino que se le reconociera su candidatura y se le entregaran los recursos de las prerrogativas– evidenció el uso que Moreno Valle hizo de las instituciones para impedir candidaturas incómodas, acaso solo consiga fragmentar el voto del panismo tradicional, de donde ella salió para enfrentar al “tirano”, como llamó a Moreno Valle durante el único debate entre los candidatos.
Te estoy escuchando
El pasado 18 de mayo el diario Reforma publicó en portada que en Puebla opera desde 2014 “un centro de espionaje telefónico que intercepta conversaciones de adversarios del gobierno del estado”. La información, explicaba la nota, llegó a través de una denuncia anónima que incluía documentos y 271 grabaciones ilegales.
Dos días después, en el noticiario Al Portador, se dieron a conocer algunas de esas conversaciones, que incluyen una de Margarita Zavala, esposa del expresidente Felipe Calderón y una de las fuertes aspirantes a la candidatura del PAN en el 2018. También fue posible escuchar conversaciones de Rosario Robles, hoy titular de la Secretaría de Desarrollo Agrario, Territorial y Urbano (SEDATU).
La historia no es nueva: se había publicado en los portales e-consulta y SinEmbargo –en una nota firmada por el periodista Fernando Maldonado– desde mediados del año pasado. En esas mismas fechas se conoció también la compra de equipo de espionaje a la empresa italiana Hacking Team por parte del gobierno poblano,y se documentó, gracias a la filtración de miles de correos de la compañía con funcionarios mexicanos, que el equipo se usó para escuchar a contrincantes políticos, incluso al interior del partido del gobernador.
El baile de la corrupción
Entre los aspirantes que encabezan la lucha electoral, la tónica de la campaña ha sido la de la mutua acusación de corrupción.
La declaración 3 de 3 de Blanca Alcalá, expresidenta de la comisión de cultura del Senado, la puso contra las cuerdas. En la documentación que subió a la plataforma electrónica la priista reconoció ser propietaria del 25% de las acciones de la empresa Nacozari Gasolinera SA de CV y del 50% de la constructora Estilos Constructivos Sustentables, S.A de C.V.
Días después algunos medios que han cuestionado repetidamente a la priista, como Milenio Puebla y Cambio, dieron a conocer que la constructora es propietaria de un complejo de departamentos ubicado en la ciudad de Puebla, valuado en 11 millones de pesos, propiedad que no fue incluida en el 3 de 3. Al mismo tiempo se publicó que la gasolinera recibió los permisos de instalación en el periodo en que Alcalá fue presidenta municipal de la capital poblana, en un claro caso de conflicto de interés.
La cercanía de la priista con Mario Marín Torres, el exgobernador poblano que concluyó su mandato con el mote del “Góber Precioso”, ha sido otro de los dardos que de manera recurrente le han lanzado sus contrincantes. Incluso Antonio Gali Fayad mostró en el debate una foto de Alcalá y Marín juntos durante el registro de la candidata.
La sombra del exgobernador ha sobrevolado la campaña tricolor, primero por error de cálculo político de los propios priistas, después impuesta por los estrategas azules para atemorizar al electorado. Marín es un fantasma que Moreno Valle saca a pasear en cada proceso electoral, pero al que nunca tocó jurídicamente.
En el caso de Antonio Gali Fayad, el hombre que saltó de la Secretaría de Infraestructura a la alcaldía poblana y de ahí a la candidatura, todo de la mano de Moreno Valle, las acusaciones que pesan en su contra tienen que ver con el patrimonio que acumuló en su paso por la administración pública, y sobre los vaivenes de su declaración patrimonial.
En 2010, cuando presentó su última declaración como funcionario federal, reconoció poseer una fortuna de 87 millones de pesos, de los cuales 46 millones correspondían a casas y terrenos. Entre estos se encontraba una casa ubicada dentro del club de golf La Vista, que, de acuerdo con los documentos, costó 15.7 millones de pesos, aunque desde la elección pasada se denunció que la casa valía al menos 70 millones de pesos. Para 2013, cuando se presentó como candidato a la alcaldía poblana, su riqueza había bajado a 77.4 millones de pesos, a pesar de que en los dos años que estuvo al frente de la Secretaría de Infraestructura percibió un salario anual de un poco más de un millón de pesos. En 2016, cuando finalmente presentó su declaración en la plataforma 3 de 3, el monto de su riqueza cayó a 21.3 millones de pesos (más cinco cuentas bancarias con montos superiores al medio millón de pesos, y una sexta con un monto entre 100 mil y 500 mil pesos).
Los señalamientos contra los candidatos han sido lanzados, principalmente, a través de la prensa y las redes sociales. El diario El Popular documentó al menos 15 páginas de internet y cuentas en Facebook dedicadas a publicar información que golpea a uno u otro polo político. Todo esto en una elección que definirá, en términos prácticos, a un gobierno de tan solo un año, ocho meses y doce días. Apenas nada para una administración que proponga y logre dejar huella.
Porque, además, quien sea que obtenga el triunfo el próximo 5 de junio deberá gobernar con un congreso dominado por el grupo de Moreno Valle; con una Fiscalía General cuyo titular, Víctor Carrancá Bourguet, fue colocado por el gobernador panista y, luego de la reforma al órgano de justicia, ratificado en el cargo por siete años más por diputados afines al grupo en el poder; con una Auditoría Superior del Estado a cargo de David Villanueva Lomelí –yerno del exgobernador Melquiades Morales Flores, a quien se le atribuye el impulso inicial a Moreno Valle, pues en su sexenio lo colocó como Secretario de Finanzas–, también alineada; con los organismos electoral, de derechos humanos y de transparencia controlados por personajes afines al aún mandatario poblano; con un Tribunal Electoral presidido por Adrián Rodríguez Perdomo, exfuncionario morenovallista que trabajó a las órdenes de Juan Pablo Piña Kurczyn –hijo del exgobernador Mariano Piña Olaya, priista de formación y hoy diputado federal por el PAN–, cuando aún despachaba como titular de la Secretaría de Servicios Legales y Defensoría Pública.
Para Diego Velázquez Caballero, doctor en Ciencia Política e Historia, lo que se juega en esta elección, más allá de los 612 días de gobierno, es la posibilidad de consolidar un cacicazgo que no se ve desde la década de los treinta del siglo pasado, cuando Maximino Ávila Camacho llegó al poder y mandó durante sexenios. Se trata, puntualiza, de un cacicazgo modernizador “muy semejante al de Maximino Ávila Camacho, pues, al igual que el militar revolucionario, Moreno Valle le cambió la cara a Puebla, y lo más seguro es que en 2018 esta situación aún permanezca, pues al parecer el PRI no consolidó un proyecto alternativo y más bien se plegó al morenovallismo”.
Pero lo que está en juego rebasa las fronteras del estado: el grupo que Moreno Valle ha construido a su alrededor tiene intereses más allá de Puebla. Hace unos días Ignacio Rodríguez Reyna, director de la revista Emeequis, publicó un amplio reportaje sobre los negocios de Omar Yunes, hijo de Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares, candidato de la coalición PAN-PRD al gobierno de Veracruz. En el texto se detalla la ruta política del veracruzano y su salto a las esferas nacionales en el sexenio de Ernesto Zedillo, de la mano del oaxaqueño Diódoro Carrasco Altamirano, cuando este ocupaba la Secretaría de Gobernación federal. Hoy Carrasco Altamirano lleva las riendas de la Secretaría General de Gobierno en el gobierno de Puebla y no ha dejado de mirar a Oaxaca a través de José Antonio Estefan Garfias, candidato de la coalición PRD-PAN y primo hermano, por cierto, del presidente del PRI en Puebla, Jorge Estefan Chidiac.
Pero, además, tanto Moreno Valle como Yunes Linares tuvieron como madrina política a Elba Esther Gordillo. Rodríguez Reyna cuenta que la llegada del veracruzano a la dirección del Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales para Trabajadores del Estado (Issste) ocurrió gracias al acuerdo entre Gordillo y Felipe Calderón. Lo mismo sucedió con la candidatura del poblano en 2010: la “maestra” operó para que el PAN le abriera la puerta gracias a sus acuerdos con el entonces presidente del país.
Así, en la elección poblana no solo se juega un asunto local y la permanencia en el poder de un grupo político. La red de alianzas que ha tejido a su alrededor Moreno Valle cruza la región del Golfo al Pacífico. Sus aspiraciones presidenciales, además, no han menguado por más que las encuestas lo pongan lejos de los punteros rumbo a 2018. Pero antes que 2018 está 2016.
- See more at: http://horizontal.mx/elecciones-2016-puebla-la-democracia-autoritaria/#sthash.sWxipm9F.dpuf
Tuesday, May 24, 2016
Does the Wall or War? The Mexican Dilema
Does the Wall or War? The Mexican dilema
By Diego Velázquez
Each time the lack of strategies by the Mexican government is more evident to determine a course of action if Donald Trump reaches the presidency of the United States. The omen of Republican victory has not been taken seriously and time is running out. Decisions of Mexico show the degree of disability that exists at management levels of public administration as well as the institutions responsible for safeguarding national sovereignty. The country's Foreign Service does not escape the corruption, nepotism and cronyism that distinguish our policy. Arthur Neville Chamberlain, at least, got a peace treaty signed on a napkin, the Mexican Embassy in the United States seems, above all, an Agency Tenancingo.
A successful campaign of Donald Trump will have high costs for Mexico, not seriously listen to the ideas that structure the discourse of neo-conservative populism can lead the country to unprecedented scenarios where problems complicate for lacking from now on a firm position and clear against U.S. Donald Trump has been insistent on the idea of strengthening or rebuilding a wall; If Mexico refuses to pay the cost of the other alternative is war. Why these ideas are not taken seriously? Jorge Carrillo Olea has warned that this set of expressions constitute a severe risk to the national security of Mexico; more serious is the lack of foreign policy in our country.
Instead of paying by the Wall, Mexico should strive to obtain the license of construction. The Wall is not a bad idea if viewed from the historical condition that allowed the building of the Great Wall of China. It is, approximately measuring 20 thousand kilometers away, took more than 600 years to be built and occupied almost a million people in its work, it may even become an excellent measure to bring welfare to the ailing labor situation in Mexico . Taking into account material inputs, various sectors of the construction industry would benefit. Donald Trump has been a cost of 8000 million, about the state budget for a full six years. Build better anticipate and avoid the obligation to pay.
The wall would not serve to contain the phenomenon of drugs and migration, as has also served the sheet that was added several years in some areas of the northern border, migration and drug trafficking remain on the rise during the construction process ; but its implementation would improve relations between the US and Mexico as well as lying to the societies of both countries and to assume that their governments work. In politics ends and always negotiating the Wall is peccadilloes for the interests of both countries remain as always. The day that Mexican cartels suspend the flow of drugs to the nation of the bars and stars, then yes that gringos will face a huge national security problem, never have worried the health of their young, they just want power over the business.
The construction of the wall would be an opportunity for Mexico to regulate the way the modernization progresses. We are not modern liberal style but have a narcocaciquil modernity that increasingly involves more of a schizophrenic society civilizational conflict. With the modernization Wall madness addition to US interference in other aspects of daily life are also stop. In the future, if the fallacy of Wall convinces voters gringos, Mexico may stop caring about the imperialist geopolitics.
The other option, expect the war with the United States, seems unrealistic and yet, against the inability of the Mexican government, is the scenario that is more likely. Waiting military confrontation, it indicates the possibility that Mexico could become Iraq or Vietnam for America. The difference from previous wars is that there is now a huge Hispanic population in those territories which, eventually, will have to be redefined to determine the course of the conflagration. The fact is that now, unlike in the past, thanks to the population there emigrante- a remarkable geographical progress within US territory. The penetration of the US space leaves translucir that the conflict would be internal, such a conflict to the Civil War that almost succeeded in the absence of the Yankee Empire. Samuel Huntington was right when he saw in every Hispanic spearhead of mexicanidad claiming revenge. And the situation has been, is and will be. As the main cause of the American Civil War Is there a slave who does not want revenge? America has lost the war against Hispanidad. No more skirmishes as the Alamo or Columbus. Cities like New York, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, Atlanta and several dozen have a second Spanish side that is crouching in front of the WASP decline. The twentieth century was the US opportunity to regenerate his neighbor and violent offender, time passed and the Hispanidad advances as scrum. The American defeat, as they have assimilated their own neoconservative intellectuals, is cultural; but it is a capitulation without possibility of reversal. US would I act as did Russia in Ossetia, Chechnya and Crimea to protect your living space? Is the crisis of Enlightenment thought in the Anglo-Saxon culture shows the spread of modernity in Latin American institutions and values? Who is to blame for that within North America has more Latino drug cartels that terrorist groups? Are you ready United States to face an alliance between Muslim terrorism and Latin American drug trafficking within their own country? The likely Mexican-American conflagration as civil war, are the result of an infamous slavery and ambition.
A war between Mexico and the United States can generate a change in the global geopolitical correlation of power. The decline of the West shows that humanity can do without, as it has done, the enlightened thinking to cope with his life. George Friedman and Samuel Huntington have found a fortuitous relationship in the figure of Donald Trump. The Republican candidate has become a sincere globaphobic denouncing costs exclusive neoliberalism progress and public space and illustrated ethics.
United States and Mexico require a long break in their relationship. The more streamlined North America the problems of its southern neighbor, is spread most of its political perversion. The Mexican political class, under US protection, has only played mirreyes, ladies and Porkys, ie chiefs who go to college or narcojuniors. The lack of a national project for Mexico is a national security risk for North America and Western civilization project. If the United States continues to allow corruption, authoritarianism and drug trafficking abound in Mexico because that makes it easier to buy drugs, cheap labor and natural resources for economic growth, then, that support the coexistence of a monster that consent and legitimizing . In the early twentieth century when America was blackmailing Mexican governments with international recognition had an optimal relationship relative to the current excessively imitated where the Anglo-Saxon neoliberal model. Integration has been costly for the neighbor to the north and Mexico will continue, perhaps for several centuries with a civilizational gap whose responsibility lies in the elites and their role to monitor democratic processes and public policy.
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/05/25/dilema-mexicano-el-muro-o-la-guerra/
By Diego Velázquez
Each time the lack of strategies by the Mexican government is more evident to determine a course of action if Donald Trump reaches the presidency of the United States. The omen of Republican victory has not been taken seriously and time is running out. Decisions of Mexico show the degree of disability that exists at management levels of public administration as well as the institutions responsible for safeguarding national sovereignty. The country's Foreign Service does not escape the corruption, nepotism and cronyism that distinguish our policy. Arthur Neville Chamberlain, at least, got a peace treaty signed on a napkin, the Mexican Embassy in the United States seems, above all, an Agency Tenancingo.
A successful campaign of Donald Trump will have high costs for Mexico, not seriously listen to the ideas that structure the discourse of neo-conservative populism can lead the country to unprecedented scenarios where problems complicate for lacking from now on a firm position and clear against U.S. Donald Trump has been insistent on the idea of strengthening or rebuilding a wall; If Mexico refuses to pay the cost of the other alternative is war. Why these ideas are not taken seriously? Jorge Carrillo Olea has warned that this set of expressions constitute a severe risk to the national security of Mexico; more serious is the lack of foreign policy in our country.
Instead of paying by the Wall, Mexico should strive to obtain the license of construction. The Wall is not a bad idea if viewed from the historical condition that allowed the building of the Great Wall of China. It is, approximately measuring 20 thousand kilometers away, took more than 600 years to be built and occupied almost a million people in its work, it may even become an excellent measure to bring welfare to the ailing labor situation in Mexico . Taking into account material inputs, various sectors of the construction industry would benefit. Donald Trump has been a cost of 8000 million, about the state budget for a full six years. Build better anticipate and avoid the obligation to pay.
The wall would not serve to contain the phenomenon of drugs and migration, as has also served the sheet that was added several years in some areas of the northern border, migration and drug trafficking remain on the rise during the construction process ; but its implementation would improve relations between the US and Mexico as well as lying to the societies of both countries and to assume that their governments work. In politics ends and always negotiating the Wall is peccadilloes for the interests of both countries remain as always. The day that Mexican cartels suspend the flow of drugs to the nation of the bars and stars, then yes that gringos will face a huge national security problem, never have worried the health of their young, they just want power over the business.
The construction of the wall would be an opportunity for Mexico to regulate the way the modernization progresses. We are not modern liberal style but have a narcocaciquil modernity that increasingly involves more of a schizophrenic society civilizational conflict. With the modernization Wall madness addition to US interference in other aspects of daily life are also stop. In the future, if the fallacy of Wall convinces voters gringos, Mexico may stop caring about the imperialist geopolitics.
The other option, expect the war with the United States, seems unrealistic and yet, against the inability of the Mexican government, is the scenario that is more likely. Waiting military confrontation, it indicates the possibility that Mexico could become Iraq or Vietnam for America. The difference from previous wars is that there is now a huge Hispanic population in those territories which, eventually, will have to be redefined to determine the course of the conflagration. The fact is that now, unlike in the past, thanks to the population there emigrante- a remarkable geographical progress within US territory. The penetration of the US space leaves translucir that the conflict would be internal, such a conflict to the Civil War that almost succeeded in the absence of the Yankee Empire. Samuel Huntington was right when he saw in every Hispanic spearhead of mexicanidad claiming revenge. And the situation has been, is and will be. As the main cause of the American Civil War Is there a slave who does not want revenge? America has lost the war against Hispanidad. No more skirmishes as the Alamo or Columbus. Cities like New York, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, Atlanta and several dozen have a second Spanish side that is crouching in front of the WASP decline. The twentieth century was the US opportunity to regenerate his neighbor and violent offender, time passed and the Hispanidad advances as scrum. The American defeat, as they have assimilated their own neoconservative intellectuals, is cultural; but it is a capitulation without possibility of reversal. US would I act as did Russia in Ossetia, Chechnya and Crimea to protect your living space? Is the crisis of Enlightenment thought in the Anglo-Saxon culture shows the spread of modernity in Latin American institutions and values? Who is to blame for that within North America has more Latino drug cartels that terrorist groups? Are you ready United States to face an alliance between Muslim terrorism and Latin American drug trafficking within their own country? The likely Mexican-American conflagration as civil war, are the result of an infamous slavery and ambition.
A war between Mexico and the United States can generate a change in the global geopolitical correlation of power. The decline of the West shows that humanity can do without, as it has done, the enlightened thinking to cope with his life. George Friedman and Samuel Huntington have found a fortuitous relationship in the figure of Donald Trump. The Republican candidate has become a sincere globaphobic denouncing costs exclusive neoliberalism progress and public space and illustrated ethics.
United States and Mexico require a long break in their relationship. The more streamlined North America the problems of its southern neighbor, is spread most of its political perversion. The Mexican political class, under US protection, has only played mirreyes, ladies and Porkys, ie chiefs who go to college or narcojuniors. The lack of a national project for Mexico is a national security risk for North America and Western civilization project. If the United States continues to allow corruption, authoritarianism and drug trafficking abound in Mexico because that makes it easier to buy drugs, cheap labor and natural resources for economic growth, then, that support the coexistence of a monster that consent and legitimizing . In the early twentieth century when America was blackmailing Mexican governments with international recognition had an optimal relationship relative to the current excessively imitated where the Anglo-Saxon neoliberal model. Integration has been costly for the neighbor to the north and Mexico will continue, perhaps for several centuries with a civilizational gap whose responsibility lies in the elites and their role to monitor democratic processes and public policy.
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/05/25/dilema-mexicano-el-muro-o-la-guerra/
Tuesday, April 26, 2016
The modernization paradigm of Rafael Moreno Valle. Putin or Salinas?
The modernization paradigm of Rafael Moreno Valle. Putin or Salinas?
By Diego Velazquez
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/04/25/el-paradigma-modernizador-de-rmv-putin-o-salinas/
Federal elections last year in Puebla were considered a referendum on the state government. Contrary to what was expected, given the results, there was a change of course in public administration morenovallista and inspiration for the first national judiciary it remains at the head of the local executive. The elections for the minigubernatura tested this process and again, voters will accept or reject support personal style of governing that arrived in Puebla in 2010. However there is little incentive for the political struggle, the value of time not it is less to think if the entity was a historical rupture, a transitional regime change.
The morenovallistas political yearnings are linked to a modernization project that aims to alter forever Puebla. Public policies developed in this six years have catalysed government administration, federalism, economic structures, social movements, territory, natural resources and regional landscape. The infrastructure and mobility in major cities of the entity with adjectives Smart and Charter, megaprojects, the model Audi city, administrative centralization and integrators and integrated service centers are characteristic, more or less fundamental, of post-liberal government Puebla. Upstream, it still can not define the type of currency you want to drive in the state. We have had in Mexico different modernizing experiences that left their mark and served as an element of imitation in the local: the juarismo, the porfirismo, the callismo, Cardenismo and salinismo. The latest model is the path that most root in the country and even inserted the country into a civilizational conflict that has not been defined yet. What is the modernization that uses morenovallismo?
Puebla has had different modernization options: the avilacamachismo, the bartlismo and morenovallismo. The first are part of a vision of state capitalism that removed and erected chiefdoms and local empowerments. The last, still unclear.
Morenovallista modernization that is authoritarian, nor doubt. But what is their model, which is based stereotype to boost their public and dynamics of government policies. Moreno Valley has made a model of authoritarian modernization that while, at first maintained connections with the past to the point considered an neoavilacamachismo, the fact is that there are significant differences on social and political relations that are being generated. The morenovallismo has been linked to political and external economic groups to implement your project, you lack observe the consequences in the long term.
For the English philosopher John Gray nobody can escape from modernity, there is now a post-capitalist globalization of technology covering everything. Only, this expansion also generates identity restatements or cultural conflicts. What really is in crisis, beyond modernity, is faith in Enlightenment thought. Puebla which is modernizing rapidly due to megaprojects and centralizing policies have imagined, it also presents a huge crisis of Enlightenment thought. If the exhaustion of neoliberalism and how geopolitics is ongoing understood, Puebla follows guidelines of the postcapitalist forms If modernization is no longer accompanied by the Enlightenment and is valid postpone democracy, pluralism, freedom, equality and Justice; it is logical to see the resurgence of authoritarian Kemalists practices or modernizations of China, Russia, North Korea, Turkey and Iran can become as examples. A approximates those experiences what is happening in the country and in the state.
One case worth mentioning is the leadership shown by Vladimir Putin for more than a decade in Russia. The ailing post-Soviet country trying to faithfully follow the Western recommendations aside democratic and neoliberal obstinamiento for the consolidation of a new state, a new economy and a new regime. Russia is, again, an energy and nuclear superpower thanks to the authoritarian modernization of a leader who renewed the political, social and economic structures under a centralization inspired espionage, responsibility, nationalism, control of business, destruction the nomenklatura, an implacable justice and craves of historical significance. Vladimir Putin is elected Russia. The political party that represents it is a pragmatic alliance polipartidista including links with different sectors and a common program of action. The continuity of the project is not at risk because historical rupture is evident, there is no room for remora the old regime. Putin Russia has shielded against disaster.
Mexican modernity, as mentioned earlier, is salinista, axolotesca mousetrap. Arturo Rueda recalled that Puebla, and Mexico, lives a difficult step in that transition. CSG remember to hell the reasons for their failure, camachista vision of change without rupture. Salinas failed because it did not eliminate the PRI nomenklatura who then accused of the murder of Luis Donaldo Colosio, not controlled drug crime and corruption; On the contrary, privatization and destruction of the welfare state resulted in the enrichment of the salinista clique and sybaritic technocrat club after disowned him.
Between Putin and Salinas, the project morenovallista increasingly looks more like the latter and the successor candidate behaves like Colosio and Zedillo (also a militant PRI). The main problem of authoritarian modernity in Puebla is meaningless. The marinista and melquiadista nomenklatura enjoys full security and is inserted capriciously in government. Social indicators in Puebla are frightening. The level of impunity, corruption and femicide; alarming. Inefficiency and privilege of officials; demeaning. The stellar six-year project called City or City Audi Model focuses its benefits to Tlaxcala. Megaprojects were unable to generate an environmental governance and, on the other hand, generated an implosion of social movements that have unified the EZLN in 1994, as a large part of society against modernization. The only control is impossible police against a criminal police and prosecutorial agencies accomplices. Puebla is modern like Veracruz.
8
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/04/25/el-paradigma-modernizador-de-rmv-putin-o-salinas/#sthash.u1tdkLl9.dpuf
By Diego Velazquez
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/04/25/el-paradigma-modernizador-de-rmv-putin-o-salinas/
Federal elections last year in Puebla were considered a referendum on the state government. Contrary to what was expected, given the results, there was a change of course in public administration morenovallista and inspiration for the first national judiciary it remains at the head of the local executive. The elections for the minigubernatura tested this process and again, voters will accept or reject support personal style of governing that arrived in Puebla in 2010. However there is little incentive for the political struggle, the value of time not it is less to think if the entity was a historical rupture, a transitional regime change.
The morenovallistas political yearnings are linked to a modernization project that aims to alter forever Puebla. Public policies developed in this six years have catalysed government administration, federalism, economic structures, social movements, territory, natural resources and regional landscape. The infrastructure and mobility in major cities of the entity with adjectives Smart and Charter, megaprojects, the model Audi city, administrative centralization and integrators and integrated service centers are characteristic, more or less fundamental, of post-liberal government Puebla. Upstream, it still can not define the type of currency you want to drive in the state. We have had in Mexico different modernizing experiences that left their mark and served as an element of imitation in the local: the juarismo, the porfirismo, the callismo, Cardenismo and salinismo. The latest model is the path that most root in the country and even inserted the country into a civilizational conflict that has not been defined yet. What is the modernization that uses morenovallismo?
Puebla has had different modernization options: the avilacamachismo, the bartlismo and morenovallismo. The first are part of a vision of state capitalism that removed and erected chiefdoms and local empowerments. The last, still unclear.
Morenovallista modernization that is authoritarian, nor doubt. But what is their model, which is based stereotype to boost their public and dynamics of government policies. Moreno Valley has made a model of authoritarian modernization that while, at first maintained connections with the past to the point considered an neoavilacamachismo, the fact is that there are significant differences on social and political relations that are being generated. The morenovallismo has been linked to political and external economic groups to implement your project, you lack observe the consequences in the long term.
For the English philosopher John Gray nobody can escape from modernity, there is now a post-capitalist globalization of technology covering everything. Only, this expansion also generates identity restatements or cultural conflicts. What really is in crisis, beyond modernity, is faith in Enlightenment thought. Puebla which is modernizing rapidly due to megaprojects and centralizing policies have imagined, it also presents a huge crisis of Enlightenment thought. If the exhaustion of neoliberalism and how geopolitics is ongoing understood, Puebla follows guidelines of the postcapitalist forms If modernization is no longer accompanied by the Enlightenment and is valid postpone democracy, pluralism, freedom, equality and Justice; it is logical to see the resurgence of authoritarian Kemalists practices or modernizations of China, Russia, North Korea, Turkey and Iran can become as examples. A approximates those experiences what is happening in the country and in the state.
One case worth mentioning is the leadership shown by Vladimir Putin for more than a decade in Russia. The ailing post-Soviet country trying to faithfully follow the Western recommendations aside democratic and neoliberal obstinamiento for the consolidation of a new state, a new economy and a new regime. Russia is, again, an energy and nuclear superpower thanks to the authoritarian modernization of a leader who renewed the political, social and economic structures under a centralization inspired espionage, responsibility, nationalism, control of business, destruction the nomenklatura, an implacable justice and craves of historical significance. Vladimir Putin is elected Russia. The political party that represents it is a pragmatic alliance polipartidista including links with different sectors and a common program of action. The continuity of the project is not at risk because historical rupture is evident, there is no room for remora the old regime. Putin Russia has shielded against disaster.
Mexican modernity, as mentioned earlier, is salinista, axolotesca mousetrap. Arturo Rueda recalled that Puebla, and Mexico, lives a difficult step in that transition. CSG remember to hell the reasons for their failure, camachista vision of change without rupture. Salinas failed because it did not eliminate the PRI nomenklatura who then accused of the murder of Luis Donaldo Colosio, not controlled drug crime and corruption; On the contrary, privatization and destruction of the welfare state resulted in the enrichment of the salinista clique and sybaritic technocrat club after disowned him.
Between Putin and Salinas, the project morenovallista increasingly looks more like the latter and the successor candidate behaves like Colosio and Zedillo (also a militant PRI). The main problem of authoritarian modernity in Puebla is meaningless. The marinista and melquiadista nomenklatura enjoys full security and is inserted capriciously in government. Social indicators in Puebla are frightening. The level of impunity, corruption and femicide; alarming. Inefficiency and privilege of officials; demeaning. The stellar six-year project called City or City Audi Model focuses its benefits to Tlaxcala. Megaprojects were unable to generate an environmental governance and, on the other hand, generated an implosion of social movements that have unified the EZLN in 1994, as a large part of society against modernization. The only control is impossible police against a criminal police and prosecutorial agencies accomplices. Puebla is modern like Veracruz.
8
- See more at: http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2016/04/25/el-paradigma-modernizador-de-rmv-putin-o-salinas/#sthash.u1tdkLl9.dpuf
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