Yunque (Anvil): the priista and nazi Smurf
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/01/26/yunque-el-pitufo-priista-y-nazi/
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
A few days ago, Mario Alberto Mejía exposed in his columns the particularity of the political analysis that distinguishes the members of the Anvil. While it is true that certain prospects of the subjects in question cause hilarity, it is also true that these arguments must be taken seriously and intelligently despite the alleged errors they contain.
It is strange that reptilian, illuminati, gay or zombie conspiracies are taken seriously; but do not observe - in truth - the power exerted by a terrorist organization - similar in capacity to the Islamic State - as is the Yunque (Anvil) whose power extends in Latin America and other latitudes.
The Anvil (El Yunque) is in the antechamber of power in Mexico, it has always been. Since the end of the Second World War, the United States and the Holy See established a fascist consensus that aimed to destroy the Soviet Union. Even though America came to possess the most powerful weapons and army in the world, the Vatican State developed the millimeter structure to inhibit any progressive, social, liberal or democratic thinking that would put American hegemony at risk. The prostitute of Babylon received her service well. The governments where catholicity prevailed were infiltrated and Mexico is a singular case. Concordats and patronages generalize poverty to maintain the pageantry of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and their children. Thus Ibero-America was the safeguard of thousands of Nazis. In Mexico and, particularly in Puebla, Nazism runs without reserve.
The old revolutionary guard quietly observed the administration of Manuel Ávila Camacho, with regret he understood that the Army, the intelligence apparatuses and the public administration should be shared with the elites of uncompromising integral Catholicism, until they were absorbed by the papists. The moment of splendor is constituted by the government of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz -avilacamachista as well-, where white guards, death squads and fascist radicals flourish. Because of their anti-communism, they assassinate with impunity peasants, students, workers, women and even religious . The dirty war and the infiltration of the extreme right into the intelligence of the Mexican State is a fundamental chapter that is needed to explain the authoritarianism in our political system.
The integration of the Anvil (Yunque) and the Morenovallismo constitutes a legitimation to the previous state of things. In Puebla there was neither Reformation, nor Revolution, nor Cardenismo, nor Alternation. The old clerical Porfirian regime remains buoyant and the Lombardo Toledano or Henriquez Ureña, must flee hidden under penalty that the members of Yunque, like Testimony and Hope (or another of the thousands of organizations of the Anvil) try to kill. Avilacamachismo Poblano only reedited the old oligarchic structures that can not live without Hernán Cortés. Puebla indebted, prey of the huachicoleros, full of femicides, kidnapped by insecurity, poor and informal, is a product of the union between Moreno Valle and Yunque.
There is nothing to laugh at the political analysts of the Anvil, its candidates or members. The political class, in general, does not have the courage to confront them. The geopolitical condition is imposed: while North America fears socialism, the Catholic extreme right will have legitimacy to handle the States. Hence the capacity for violence, disorder, instability and crime that generates clerofascism to obtain inclusion in governments. What is important to say to the United States, as well as to Mexican society, is that, as long as the extreme right remains in power, social pathologies will continue and the cost increases each period. Morelos, Guanajuato, Puebla, Tamaulipas and Veracruz constitute a small sample.
If Moreno Valle is so powerful, what is the need for El Yunque? if the morenovallismo has to contribute to the vote of the PRIist-panista Meade Kuribreña, is also the Yunque a guest to fulfill the mission or the official candidate of the PRIANRD is Ricardo Anaya? Even Morena has had to lobby the extreme right through the black Jesuitism of social Catholicism. There are no reasons to laugh. Mexico is a tragedy, a sick despair of Hispanic catholicity.
Friday, January 26, 2018
Monday, December 25, 2017
Moreno; but with a free soul
Moreno; but with a free soul
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
2018 will be a caste war. It is not the first nor the last occasion that this happens in a country like Mexico. Miscegenation is a myth that seeks to hide our differences; although these have always been there, distinguishing the country from each one. The polarization that has generated the injustice of the economic structure is shown in the evidence of INEGI regarding the racism that persists in the national culture. The castes of the colonial era are still there for the pride of the Creoles and resentment of others. The dark face has been the most discredited everywhere. The Virgin of Guadalupe is tanned skin; but the owners of the country are white. The morenos die in torrents due to the economic lack, violence, poverty and exclusion caused by white masters. It would be interesting to ask David Páramo in the opposite direction. What is the ratio of whites to morenos in terms of deaths by the Mexican Failed State?
Leo Zuckerman wrote a severe criticism of the comments made by Andrés Manuel López Obrador against the technocrats and the Creole -and now Lebanese- bourgeoisie that usurp the economic power in this country. Zuckerman claims to be an Eric Zemmour region four. However, Mexico is not France and the dark ones are not Muslim immigrants. The dark ones are in our country, in our land, with our cosmovision and syncretism. The terrorists are the Catholic catacomb gachupines who control the high clergy in Mexico and -they do- waste no time in conspiring against the Mexican homeland and putting themselves at the service of the Holy See or any other foreign bidder.
The attacks that society has received with brown skin -Mexicans mestizos-; those are serious. They go beyond the shame that Zuckerman points out and defend people like David Páramo. Germany has assumed its condemnation for the Nazism that inspired its behavior in the first half of the 20th century. When will a similar phenomenon occur with the Spanish Monarchy and the Holy See? Quite the opposite. The ideas of characters such as the infamous communicator José Antonio Sánchez show us the medioeval character of hispanism, its values, its schools even if they are private, they are certified as modern and they teach technocracy; they do not instruct them that the world has already changed, that's why only Mirreyes come out who, even with the disguise of neoliberals, are really technodinos. In the same sense, the Vatican State represents the most retrograde institution as far as modern thought is concerned.
The armies of General Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata, in their time of revolutionary splendor, expelled, murdered and raped hundreds of Spaniards in Mexico. Some of their actions claimed the massacre of the Alhóndiga de Granaditas that inspired in a decisive way the Mexican emancipation of the Spanish yoke. What's missing, Villa and Zapata! How urgent is the consciousness of Mexico's independence, once again, at the cry of Cura Miguel Hidalgo!
The workers of the organizations dedicated to the crime of drug trafficking are people with mostly dark skin. The brown people have been sacrificed with abundance in the name of a business that enriches a government and Creole oligarchy that have no reservations in controlling the transfer of drugs in the continent. They are specialists in never showing their faces, in hiding and turning things around, in committing self-attacks, they are doctors of cowardice. Fighting manly, as it has been demanded even Mario Bergoglio, is a disability of his character. The experts in dividing society, in separating families, are intransigent integral Catholics. Tartufos that always act under the tutelage of the conspiratorial skirt. Their companies are responsible for creating a narcoculture for the masses; but none of his descendants has the courage to truly become a Capo at the head of a criminal or military group commanding soldiers. The Creoles live by getting mestizos-natives in uniform to kill mestizos-Indians without uniforms; this practice was established since his arrival.
General Francisco Villa's common sense led him to consider that Spaniards could never love Mexico. For that reason he expelled them from the northwest of the country while he could and confiscated their properties, factories, haciendas and capitals to support those who had been squeezed, mistreated and raped by them. There are the testimonies of Salvador Novo and Salvador Abascal or, at least, Carlos Alvear Acevedo to confirm it. The generals Emiliano Zapata and Lázaro Cárdenas will continue this action expropriating thousands of Gachupinas haciendas and motivating the formation of agrarian battalions that would defend the morenos and the ejido lands.
Once again, the PRI has turned its back on the trajectory of the Mexican revolution that General Plutarco Elías Calles condensed when he introduced revolutionary nationalism in the country. The reactionary unity for the PRI has already been agreed with the PAN. Now the PRI has a legionary-synarchist candidate as at the time they were Miguel de la Madrid and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. Yunques and pseudonazis with whom Zuckerman should be more concerned to coincide.
It is necessary to reflect on the fear that represents the loss of a certain order. What order is it feared to lose in the country? Eric Zemmour blames the neoliberals for the suicide that lives in France. Does not the same thing happen in Mexico? López Obrador maintains a deep erosion due to the contradictory image between love and hate that he represents. It happens that his personality escapes the aristocratic hypocrisy that substitutes frankness for delicate manners. It is preferable to oppose the traitorous vocation of Creole elites that do not end up defining their affection for the people and the land where we are. Of course, it is urgent to be critically aware in order to see how the disaster that corrupt neoliberals have made will deepen and the indignant - although coarse - verb is more useful to rebuild the homeland. Mexico is already in ruins and Zuckerman does not want to see it. López Obrador is far from being a Zapata or Villa; but that does not mean that some characters -like those warlords-, in fact, are already in the fight against the Post-Porfirian Army.
Who has caused the disorder and anarchy in this country? Who has caused the foreign intervention? Who are the leaders of the pederasty and white slave that controlled Mario Marín? Does not Leo Zuckerman know the work of Salvador Borrego? With everything and its technocratic whiteness Itamita, Think Zuckerman that is in the creole elite of Mexico? So, are brown men more dangerous than gachupines? There is the INEGI survey that describes the color, inequality and contrast of Mexican clevages.
The outcasts who abjured their origin remain as servants and lackeys of a social structure that in no way remedies the crisis of the country; there they do if they consider servility to be a solution. Slavery does not take away the place of birth, skin color or religion; These elements only disappear when a nation becomes modern, when the Reformation-Revolution becomes a real historical break with the Catholic Hispanic Baroque.
Tuesday, December 05, 2017
Andreas Schedler, the party of "perrones" and the electoral gutierritos
Andreas Schedler, the party of "perrones" and the electoral gutierritos
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
José Antonio Meade Kuribreña is asking for US intervention in Mexico to safeguard the discouraged national bourgeoisie and not break with dependence on US imperialism. Only in this way can the Internal Security Law be understood as well as the lack of recognition of the reality that our country is experiencing.
A character like Andreas Schedler (In the fog of war, 2015) is surprised by the cynicism and denial that is made of a context like the Mexican. The academic is one of the most important figures of national political science; However, the most important thing has been its evolution from the defenseless electoral analysis to the study and understanding of the phenomenon that distinguishes this cute and bandit Mexico: violence. Our country is experiencing a war of low intensity, at the level of the Middle East, that few have wanted to see and, even less, try to do something to organize -only- the issue. Schedler's ideas disagree with those political scientists and social scientists who are blinded by internal colonialism. For this caste of organic intellectuals, the country is at peace and considers Meade Kuribreña as the most exemplary citizen that the PRI could achieve.
The situation is serious to be disguised in this way. The Mexican academy not only borders on irresponsibility and inefficiency; He has also been infected with the Lucifer syndrome characteristic of the national oligarchy. They accuse animosity when they are referred to the most obvious data; But, the situation is beyond the borderline between the social groups that make up our social structure. There is no longer space to support the slaughterhouse that Mexico became. Do not they smell the stench of flesh and blood?
Historical manipulation and denial are everyday factors in the perspective of hegemonic thinking. It has gone from golden history to history in pink. The Mexican Revolution, the PRI, Díaz Ordaz and Echeverría never existed for the fascist intellectual -like Francisco Franco in the Spanish television sausages-. The oligarchy and its electoral gutterritos tell the myth of a democratic transition princess whose velvet reaches the limits of the universe and its blue prince overflows charisma, leadership and kindness as Maciel of the Legionaries of Christ. Studies like those of Andreas Schedler inform us that, the fantastic thing really, was the beautiful trajectory of the transition; there was never "alternation" or "political change" but a "modus vivendi" between the bishops of the Revolutionary Family and the bishops of the Holy See to coexist the Mexican government.
Now that López Obrador proposes a pact with the drug trafficking groups to establish peace in Mexico, the electoral and technocratic packs have been released to question the idea. Have you forgotten the proposal to legalize the transfer and consumption of drugs that in the past was observed as a logical way to reduce the social bitterness of the nation? Even Vicente Fox agreed with the need to regularize the psychotropic business as it is done in some states of the American Union. Where was the fixation in the model of the Netherlands to make Mexico a simile of European harmonic consumption?
Those who accuse of extravagant - to say the least - Peje's proposal, are the same ones who make millions of dollars in their television networks promoting series and characters that constitute, yes, monuments to the culture of crime and impunity. They oppose the legalization of drugs, the regularization of arms, the construction of peace, then, what do they want? Surely they propose the Kirrarcado Mirrey that they have learned in the Creole homeland. They have become immensely rich building a Narco-State. Is not it still enough?
The PRI candidate for the presidency of Mexico, seeks to open the doors to US military intervention justifying the force of narcoterrorism as an obstacle to governance. The oligarchy supports this issue because it seeks to emulate Panama, Colombia, Honduras or Guatemala; where Creole strains have managed to preserve their privileges by taking care of the business of the empire. The powers that be do not assume their responsibility in front of the monster they have created. They do not want to govern; but they want to remain in government to safeguard their lineages, interests and corruption.
The electoral gutterritos that praise, of course, to the priandist Meade; They are first-line liars and dishonest. If their electoral indices have not shown them that now PRI govern us all political parties, that everyone surrenders to presidential honey trying to be the most servile; So, why do you think we should believe them now? The legalization of drugs, their economic regularization and pacification with regional cartels, is the most civilized measure to give the government leeway in many entities and municipalities of the country. Was the bloodbath that Felipe Calderón Hinojosa offered to Mexico useful? Why do not the armed forces shoot down corrupt and unbalanced politicians?
Agreeing peace with regional drug trafficking groups as well as other subaltern associations is a necessary and urgent measure; before those in charge of factionalism carry out their tasks. Indeed, history and fiction should serve to diminish so much head in the political act. It has happened a thousand times. Provided that Mexicans, institutional and subordinate, decide to organize themselves; the foreign element appears to generate selfishness and confrontation. Within the narcoculture promoted by the Mass Media, there is a film like "La fiesta de los perrones" (Jesus Fragoso Montoya, 1999) that clearly proves the aggressive interventionism against Mexico. It is obvious that the drug trafficking groups and the government of the country could find a Pareto optimum to harmonize their relationship; However, this is inconvenient for North America and its vassals. Even if the drug traffickers decided to make peace, the United States and its Creole employees would generate the confrontation that would allow them to rationalize the context. The American Union does not want to end the public health problem that has become the drug phenomenon; he wants money and he will do everything possible to get it. North America seeks to control drug trafficking because it continues to be one of the best businesses in the world; No matter that most of his youth is sunk in addictions. Can they intervene militarily in Mexico if things keep getting complicated? Of course, with all the right in between. The arms business is also profitable from its rational choice. They have sold bullets and military supplies to all the sides that want to destroy themselves in our republic. Hence the reason for choosing peace before it is too late. On the Creole serfs who have always betrayed their countries of birth; there is nothing to say.
Something similar happens with Andreas Schedler than with Stephen Hawking. The neglect of the political scientist and the physicist will be terrible to the future. Do not they count, said characters, with sufficient scientific capacity to pay attention? Or measures of coexistence and pacification are established with the armed groups of the drug traffickers, the self-defense groups, the populations inserted in the crime and the insurgent groups that legitimately seek to survive in front of the specter of neoliberalism, or the country will be condensed of independent figures like the General Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata that in Mexico and now in the south of the United States will demand with all the force that justice that the colonial structure has denied.
Sunday, December 03, 2017
Morelos: the gospel of the Anvil
Morelos: the gospel of the Anvil
By Diego Velázquez
The political situation in the entity that gave birth to General Emiliano Zapata, is proof of the capacity for anarchy, violence and blackmail that the Mexican far right can exercise. Infiltration, destabilization and terrorism are some of the conditions that have marked the actions of façade organizations such as the Testimony and Hope (Testimonio y Esperanza) Movement of Catholic nationalist roots. Jalisco, Michoacán, Guanajuato, Puebla, Querétaro and Aguascalientes, to name a few entities, have experienced situations of ungovernability derived from the deep and mysterious interests that integral intransigent Catholicism holds.
It is true that Graco Ramírez does not escape the condition of bad rulers; however, it is also true that the state administration has had to dismantle all those public spaces where the Catholic secret societies settled its possessions. The dozen of PAN governments are jointly responsible for the upbringing of crime, drug trafficking, underdevelopment and insecurity in Morelos. No government has been able to contain and organize the problems of that state, it deprives a factionalism and a scheme of conspiracies that annuls all public policy.
The confrontation of the state government with the rector of the Autonomous University of the State of Morelos (Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos), is a phenomenon that had been lived in the Center for Research and Teaching in Humanities of the State of Morelos (CIDHEM Centro de Investigación y Docencia en Humanidades del Estado de Morelos). The persecution accusing the characters identified with the extreme right is ridiculous in comparison with what they did when they usurped power. Testimony and Hope (Testimonio y Esperanza) pursues its critics in the same way as Manuel Abad and Queipo, Matías Monteagudo or Félix María Calleja. Public Universities, City Councils, Dependencies, State Governments, etc., are managed under the worst mode of patrimonialism and corruption if the government is ultraconservative PAN. Not to mention when it comes to their spaces or companies: the Colonial Property is still the structure from which thinks the social order.
What happens in Morelos must be an element of conscience to decide what Mexicans want in the country. It is not the first time that the extreme right has appropriated the PRI candidate to the presidency of the republic; it happened with Miguel Alemán, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado. From 1941, the Americans forced the Mexican government to a "modus vivendi" that cohabited with the Holy See in public administration. Although Taxman is presented as a citizen, his training does not escape the characteristics that General Emilio Portes Gil attributed to young charismatic Catholics. Even when Technodino, in the end, is still an Ranch
manager.
One element must be highlighted in the political realignment that will lead to the candidacy of José Antonio Meade Kuribreña. Several groups of social Catholicism, and even the intransigent, are realizing that in the face of neoliberal globalization, vulnerability affects us all. The hacienditas (little farm) then, can disappear and break forever if the PRI retains the presidency; there will be no Ambrosian or Cantabrian financing when the NAFTA collapses and the United States opts for the military invasion to develop its own economy.
The intransigent integral Catholicism must allow the public administration and the Mexican State to progress. If there is no Public Good, there is no government, nor politics, nor country. The respect and defense of public goods is something that is urgent in Mexico, we will have to think and discuss the way.
Wednesday, November 22, 2017
DEMOCRACIA Y CONTROL DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD Y ALBERTO BEGNÉ
POR URIEL NAVARRO PEÑALOZA
Alberto Begné desarrolla en su libro temas de suma importancia para los ciudadanos ya que abarcas temas centrales como la democracia, el liberalismo, pero también sobre el control de convencionalidad para hacer valer los derechos de los individuos y de las grupos minoritarios, esto permite dar legitimidad la voluntad de la mayoría, pero sobre todo permite dar legitimidad al Estado contemporáneo.
Alberto Begné desarrolla en su libro temas de suma importancia para los ciudadanos ya que abarcas temas centrales como la democracia, el liberalismo, pero también sobre el control de convencionalidad para hacer valer los derechos de los individuos y de las grupos minoritarios, esto permite dar legitimidad la voluntad de la mayoría, pero sobre todo permite dar legitimidad al Estado contemporáneo.
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| DEMOCRACIA Y CONTROL DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD |
Las democracias contemporáneas deben de
garantizar la voluntad de la mayoría (unanimidad), sin embargo al mismo tiempo
deben de establecer los mecanismos e instrumentos necesarios que permitan el
respeto, la tolerancia y la defensa de
las garantías de los individuos y las minorías. Nos referimos, la importancia que juegan los derechos humanos fundamentales
en las democracias, ocupando un lugar importante en la continuidad y
consideradas como un conjunto de valores universales propias de todo ser
humano.
Desde la finalización de la Segunda Guerra
Mundial, la conciencia sobre los derechos
humanos ha ido en crecimiento por los
gobiernos y actores de la sociedad civil, Begné (2003) se refirió en este
sentido que las “democracias tuvieron la necesidad de fortalecer los mecanismos
e instrumentos constitucionales destinados a la defensa de los derechos y las
libertades de los individuos y las minorías” (p. 27). Sin embargo, la forma de
violación a los mismos ha ido en aumento,
no de las misma forma en que los sistemas autocráticos lo aplicaron, por
ejemplo; mediante modelos económicos como el Neoextractivismo y el Neoliberalismo en
resumen: explotan los recursos naturales; invaden la soberanía de los países en
desarrollo; buscan mercados y mano de obra barata mediante estrategias
violentas y no violentas.
Se están violando artículos enteros de la
Constitución Política, en el caso mexicano, pero también la violación de
Tratados Internacionales; mencionaremos algunos a continuación: de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos
Humanos, la satisfacción de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales
(Art. 22); del Pacto de Derechos Civiles y Políticos, la libre determinación de
los pueblos (Art. 1), la imposibilidad de privar al pueblo de sus medios de
subsistencia (Art. 2); de la carta Democrática interamericana, la
responsabilidad de las autoridades de actuar con probidad, responsabilidad y
respeto por los derechos sociales (Art. 4); la participación ciudadana en las
decisiones relativas a su propio desarrollo (Art. 6); la promoción y
observancia de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales como
consustanciales al desarrollo integral al crecimiento con equidad y a la
consolidación de la democracia (Art. 13); el diálogo y la cooperación para el
desarrollo integral y el combate a la pobreza en el Hemisferio (Art. 14); Art.
2 y Art. 4 de las Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos.
Entonces, realmente ¿son eficientes las
normas jurídicas mexicanas? Aquí, damos un respuesta contúndete que no lo son, no podemos justificar su
ineficacia diciendo que no hay ordenamientos jurídicos perfectos, mucho menos
decir que la sociedad tiene una cultura arraigada. Es necesario, realmente
identificar quienes son aquellos representantes que no las hacen valer como tal
e ir en contra de ellos, pero sobre todo
exigir y exigirnos, no para lograr una sociedad
perfectamente democrática y liberal, pero si para acercarse a una.
Al igual que la
democracia desarrollada con anterioridad, Begné desarrolla el liberalismo
político que se
ocupa de la libertad política de los ciudadanos para defenderse del poder
(coerción) del Estado. La idea de la libertad, se presenta como un valor
político que se defiende a través de la afirmación de que los hombres
inicialmente se asumen en un estado de naturaleza con la libertad perfecta para
decidir sus acciones, sin depender de la voluntad de otro hombre, siempre con
respeto y tolerancia. Un liberalismo que
surge
como un sistema coherente de ideales y metas prácticas, viendo su nacimiento en
Inglaterra durante los siglos XVII y XVllI. Esto con la finalidad de arribar los
problemas específicos del control de constitucionalidad y legalidad.
¿Defenderse
de la coacción del Estado? efectivamente, ya que el
Estado actual tiene la responsabilidad y obligación de responder las demandas
sociales y la necesidad de responderlas con efectividad sin la violación de los
derechos humanos individuales y de las minorías, ya que “el liberalismo heredó
el principio de los límites del estado ante esos derechos y libertades del
individuo” (Begné, 2003, p. 12). En esta línea las responsabilidades del Estado frente a la sociedad tiene tres
funciones básicas que son: la función de asignación, función de
distribución y la función de
estabilidad. Estas tres funciones se pretenden un Estado equitativo, justo y
por tanto, el bien común. (Torres & Santander, 2013, p. 25).
Sí,
el Estado no cumple con su fin del bien común, si los representantes de los
diferentes poderes (legislativo,
ejecutivo y judicial) en los diferentes niveles (Federal, Estatal y Municipal)
no garantizan la aplicación correcta de las leyes, en otras palabras, si las
normas no cumplen con un debido proceso; en los estados democráticos y
liberales los ciudadano tienen una ventaja, la de respaldarse de los mecanismos
jurídicos; estos pueden ser de dos tipos, la de control de constitucional y la
de control convencionalidad.
Esto
significa, que a pesar de la violación de derechos humanos en los Estados no ha
cesado, también, se ha luchado para contrarrestarlo; en el caso mexicano
contamos con el Juicio de Amparo, Controversia Constitucional, Acción de
Inconstitucionalidad, Juicio de Revisión
Constitucional Electoral y el Juicio para la Protección de los Derechos Políticos
Electorales de los Ciudadanos (control de constitucionalidad); también se
cuenta con el Control concentrado de
convencionalidad y el control difuso (Control de Convencionalidad).
Entonces,
si el poder público incurre en
arbitrariedades y violaciones en perjuicio de los derechos y las libertades de
la persona, existen instrumentos que permiten asegurar el cumplimiento de las
normas establecidas en la constitución, pero también herramientas que busca el
respeto y garantía de los derechos descritos en la Convención Americana de
Derechos Humanos.
Bibliografía
Begné Guerra, A. (2003). Demcracia y Control de
Constitucional. México: Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la
Federación.
Torres-Melo, J.,
& Santander A, J. (2013). Introducción
a las Políticas Públicas: Conceptos y herramientas desde la relación entre
Estado y ciudadanía. Colombia: IEMP.
Sunday, October 29, 2017
Siete llaves al sepulcro del Cid
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/10/29/siete-llaves-al-sepulcro-del-cid/
Siete
llaves al sepulcro del Cid
Diego
Martín Velázquez Caballero
La
emancipación de Cataluña podría ser uno de los eventos políticos
trascendentales de la historia política española en los últimos tiempos.
Catalizará, seguramente, el nuevo régimen político. La evolución hacia una
tercera república en España, constituiría un ejemplo sin precedentes para la
situación latinoamericana.
La
lucha por la independencia de Cataluña debe tornarse en una cruzada
antifascista. La hispanidad, como ideología, no es otra cosa que falangismo
vergonzante. Ni es española, ni es democrática, ni es cristiana. La hispanidad
es el mito de los bandidos. La hispanidad trata de evidenciar que Latinoamérica
y España tienen varios elementos en común; sin embargo, para los sectores más
radicales del conservadurismo, dicho elemento cultural debe transformarse en
hispanismo castizo y catolicidad intransigente.
Solange
Alberro señala circunstancias gastronómicas, sexuales, económicas, lúdicas,
culturales y de supervivencia en general, donde los españoles convivían
pacíficamente con indígenas, negros, judíos y musulmanes, olvidando su
condición natural, origen e identidad. Sin embargo, allí donde la integración
entre los españoles y las castas tomaba tintes cotidianos, la burocracia
eclesiástica era la más incisiva en fomentar las divisiones y segregaciones,
haciendo llamados al orden, la cristiandad y la hispanidad. Desde entonces se
pueden encontrar los elementos del pensamiento conservador que más tarde
caracterizarán a un sector de la
población en Hispanoamérica. Aun cuando la autora afirma que las castas
indígenas, mestizas y afroamericanas adoptaban también un comportamiento
españolizante, lo cierto es que, históricamente, existe una diferencia bien
marcada entre los caracteres latinoamericanos y españoles. Con todo, el texto
de Solange Alberro genera un indicador de la exclusión que guarda el sentido de
la hispanidad castiza y católica.
Aunque
Alberro procura exculpar de su racismo a los españoles, finalmente, no lo
consigue. Las prácticas castizas y puristas españolas siempre conciertan en
exaltarse y menospreciar otros hábitos locales; pero, hispánicos también. El
cosmopolitismo es aún bien distante de los hispanistas; en retórica, prácticas,
creencias y usos.
En
el México actual la segregación de grupos por razón de color de piel, de origen
y grado de mestizaje sigue dando cuenta de la estratificación social ¿Es el
hispanismo una idea que fomenta el racismo? No necesariamente; pero ha servido
como eje para la exclusión y el posicionamiento de ciertos personajes. En el
caso mexicano no ha acelerado la multiculturalidad, es excluyente y concede una
situación de privilegio a los criollos y peninsulares, como en la época
colonial. Hasta hoy puede apreciarse en México como uno de los peores
exclusivismos usado por la clase dominante.
La
derecha en América Latina trata de emular lo más puro español. La pasión
castiza del mundo ibérico legitimó el conservadurismo de las múltiples derechas
latinoamericanas. Retóricas como el nacionalismo católico, la preponderancia
del Norte Ibérico, la distinción entre la “España de los Toros” y la “España de
los Leones”, la “España de Abajo” y la “España de Arriba”; el fundamentalismo
de las sociedades jerárquicas y orgánicas, el corporativismo, cooperativismo y
mutualismo; la familia; y la subordinación de lo político a lo religioso,
constituyeron una antropología de lo español. Una hispanidad castiza que
sobredimensiona el siglo XVI ibérico, así como el pensamiento escolástico,
humanista, personalista y tradicionalista. Una España católica que persiste en
crear la alternativa Contrarreformista que cancele varias conquistas de la
modernidad (socialismo, liberalismo, capitalismo y democracia).
El
conservadurismo catalán, paradójicamente, fue uno de los que más asistió al
mito de la hispanidad. Personajes como Félix Sarda y Salvany contribuyeron a
desarrollar uno de los pensamientos políticos que tanto lastimaron y
malinterpretaron la realidad hispanoamericana. La Cataluña que reniega de
España es una prueba de que el nacionalismo católico ha caducado, que el
catolicismo integral intransigente constituye una amenaza para la evolución de
los pueblos.
El
excelso pensador Joaquín Costa hacía énfasis en la necesidad de la
secularización y la reforma social para que terminará el caciquismo y la
oligarquía en Iberoamérica. Ahora, como entonces, es necesario el mismo
remedio. Para salir de la Edad Media en Iberoamérica hay que sepultar la
hispanidad.
El
mundo occidental debe reconocer la independencia de Cataluña. La Iberoamérica
liberal y republicana tendría que hacer lo mismo; empero, se ha tornado
famélica su influencia política. En comparación con 1898, el contexto ha
retrocedido a un clerofascismo sin
precedentes. Los Estados latinoamericanos son eunucos controlados por la
Santa Sede y sus mafias levíticas.
Marcos
Roitman se pregunta por el futuro del impulso emancipador y la forma en que
puede ser aprovechado por la ultraderecha iberoamericana. Su análisis no se
equivoca. Dudar y contenerse frente a la independencia catalana sería la gran
oportunidad perdida de la historia. Como en el caso de Cuba, Puerto Rico y
Filipinas, en su momento, hay que apoyar este separatismo que constituye un
desarrollo del liberalismo iberoamericano, la ciudadanía y la secularización.
Si
la hispanidad dejara de ser pensada como una hipoteca por los grupos
casticistas y conservadores, podría emplearse como un regalo de riqueza
compartida, suficiente y generosa. Entonces sí, imborrable. Lo grave de no
reconocer esta condición implica el que ciertas actitudes fundamentalistas e
intolerantes se vayan desarrollando y se consideren legítimas, liberales e
incluso democráticas.
La
hispanidad no es el casticismo pero, los casticistas pretenden apropiarse de la
hispanidad. Américo Castro afirmaba que
España era judía, musulmana, cristiana y, también, indígena. El mérito de
España fue crear las condiciones para que estos elementos convergieran. La
hispanidad castiza debe dejar de ser la característica de una condición
retrógrada, reaccionaria y conservadora. Esta es una gran prioridad por
atender. Hay muchas maneras de ejercer la hispanidad. En el sur de los Estados
Unidos se está desarrollando una comunidad hispánica a la que se debe poner
mucha atención no sólo por el temor que provoca a Samuel Huntington y Donald
Trump, sino por la comunidad de vida, idioma y convencionalismos que están
desarrollando. Mexamérica puede ser el futuro de Iberoamérica.
Tuesday, October 10, 2017
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