The political defection

The Political Defection

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

 

When the Cold War represented the reality of global life, the superpowers made political agreements with extremely authoritarian actors to justify control of space.

Each alliance involved a few bastards who suited them for reasons of geostrategy.

The political defection of our time can be expressed in this way.

The hegemonic party takes the elements and cadres it needs without questioning too much about their ethical performance.

They represent positions necessary for total domination.

Defection changes when it is to the left or right.

The left is oriented under anthropological pessimism and liberalism moves in optimistic defection.

During the transition to democracy, defection was considered necessary because it would imply the development of independent and convinced political offers as in those post-communist societies.

The formation of free and autonomous political offers would allow society to choose between consolidated and institutionalized political parties.

Defection represented possibilities of liberation and learning.

Change as the fate of the person, the destiny and the teaching of life.

On the left, especially the one that interprets Marxism in a fundamentalist way, defection is seen as a temporary necessity, but with the possibility of exhausting it in the immediate future.

For the left, defection has no solution or remedy, the defectors are disposable and, therefore, the Stalinist purges are observed in a context where it is thought that society is the same as communities of amoebas, bees or ants.

Political liberalism is a path of civilization and social optimism; populism is not.

For the dictatorship of the majorities, the cadres that defect to Morena and that are now theirs, do not have the capacity for regeneration and in the immediate future they will be discarded because there will be no possibility of development for them, the path is to support the riddle of popular sentiment.

The justification of transfuguism as established by Sabina Berman and company, represents the death of politics, that is, the death of the solution of conflicts through civilized and parliamentary means.

Berman considers that politics has to be done by other means, violence, for example, because that and nothing more than that, represents the Yunes Clan and in those canons they came to establish agreements with Morena; as the PRI and the PAN did.

Sabina Berman cancels freedom and politics. She recognizes in her conciliatory argument with Yunism that the parliamentary, ideological and governmental capacity of the Morena is ending and an authoritarian cooptation is approaching as the communist and Nazi regimes initially practiced.

French cohabitation in crisis

 French cohabitation in crisis

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The French model is always exemplified as a hybrid regime, with a double engine, a political engineering design that broke the curse of anarchy. France is one of the few cases where parliamentarism could not flourish democracy, it was necessary to destroy four republics for the fifth to function regularly; until now, when Emmanuelle Macron seems willing to blow up the political regime or, like Marshal Petain, hand it over to the Nazis.

The 5th Republic, one of the most admired regimes in Latin America, in addition to electoral innovations and legislative control, also moved on the assumption of courtesy and political civility. Mitterrand and Chirac, for example, despite the great power of the Head of State in the Gallic country, respected the institutionality of semi-presidentialism and tested the parliamentary engine when the legislative forces were adverse; Of course, the ministers of the cohabitation also showed legal responsibility and loyalty to the political system. The semi-presidential model, based on the speed of the French guillotine, is designed to force collaborative work between dissident forces.

The crisis of the traditional political parties has forced the French electorate to empower an outsider representative of the Ancien Régime. Macron's detachment from the bases and social movements in his country has been demonstrated on several occasions: repression, adjustment policies, reduction of social policy, incentives to the bourgeoisie, etc. However, the recent second round of legislative elections deserves to be taken into consideration by the presidential criteria, the commitment of the socialists and other progressive forces to republican democracy was more than evident; therefore, Macron's inability to appoint a Prime Minister who corresponds to the left-wing coalition must be considered as high treason.

In the future, Macron perhaps plans to govern with the criteria of Vladimir Putin. Russia also has a semi-presidential design that it has never used, it could ask parties like United Russia or the PRI, the ways to achieve a qualified majority and avoid the unpleasant compromises of the second rounds.

France is the big question of the multicultural model. The 5th Republic is not only admired for its ability to digest a participation that overloads democracy but also for proposing a governance design to generate collaboration between antipodal political parties and social groups with a high level of cleavage, rupture and social differentiation. Macron behaves like a mischievous PRI president; but the thing goes further, his betrayal shows that he deeply distrusts multiculturalism and radical democracy, also that he does not believe in the French institutional design.

Macron sides with the conservative waves that also embrace populism and violate democracy. The right-wing ideas of Le Pen, Zemmour, De Benoist and Finkielkraut are gaining ground in a rebellious France that only has the streets and the Arab Spring left.

Transfuguism and infiltration

 Transfuguism and infiltration

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The hangover from the electoral process has generated the partisan emigration of several political cadres towards Morena, which had been happening since the beginning of the six-year term; but, now, it has increased disproportionately after the triumph of Sheinbaum Pardo and represents an uncontrollable phenomenon. Beyond the opportunism and pragmatism that these practices constitute, the despicable nature of some cases allows us to frame a greater phenomenon: infiltration. Transfuguism manifests the main Machiavellian virtue, that is, simulation; which in situations of siege and imperialism such as those that attack Mexico, should be taken with greater interest and attention.

In the studies of the Mexican extreme right, the journalist Álvaro Delgado describes the infiltration processes that secret societies promoted in the different economic, political and social sectors; until reaching a degree of almost absolute control. Institutions such as the PRI and the Mexican Army did not represent a major obstacle to the permeability of external agents, nor did co-optation serve as an insulator or a method of control. Loyalties in societies in transition are inexplicable. The infiltration carried out by other types of secret societies such as drug trafficking, crime and foreign agents, how much can be regulated in Morena?

The Hegemonic Party that is glimpsed in the organizational future of Morena may turn out to be a façade due to the disconnection that is noted between leadership cadres, public representatives, militants and society. No organization escapes the iron law of the oligarchy, the issue lies in ensuring that the leadership corresponds to the goals and bases of the movement. The narrative proposed by Gerardo Fernández Noroña, in concrete terms, is partially disconnected from reality, to the benefit of Lilly Téllez.

The elites represent one of the most pessimistic axioms of the social sciences, but these historical laws can also be reinterpreted. The formation of good elites, corresponding to the historical moment that a society is experiencing, can be achieved by regulating phenomena such as defection and the development of forms of party control and institutionalization.

The new and recent passengers of Morenoism are not innocuous agents. The political class has represented a risk for the Mexican State due to its lack of education, commitment and characteristic patrimonialism; what other risk do they represent if they obey principles alien to the national interest?

Cpac. The Mexican Trumpist Right

 Cpac. The Mexican Trumpist Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

One interpretation that can be made of the event that Eduardo Verástegui called to establish a current of support for Donald Trump, fulfilled a proportional objective. The electoral competition for the presidency of the United States is becoming increasingly close and Mexican actors still resist understanding that they must participate and select a side. Standing at the end, waiting to see who remains in power in North America, can imply high costs since there is a different value in each proposal, Democrats and Republicans no longer represent Pepsi and Coca Cola, there are parties that propose different and antagonistic options according to the groups that are supporting them.

The fight, in the end, is between globalists and multipolarists. The Democratic Party resumes a global progressive populism that tries to maintain, on pins and needles, the North American hegemony and the territorial influence in each of the points that the geopolitical chessboard demands. However, after the Cold War and, above all, once neo-extractivist neoliberalism has failed, the Yankee Empire must retreat from its hegemony and, as the USSR did in the nineties of the last century, surrender its borders to give other central states the opportunity to influence its vital space. The Republicans are aware that the decline of the United States began with the “Clash of civilizations” proposed by Samuel Huntington and faced with the inability to influence it, they stood by and waited for a Christian nationalism that Donald Trump has been building.

Behind the right-wing Trumpist populism, there is a silent majority of Christians with different denominations that are overtaking the Republican Party. Donald Trump, like Vicente Fox in 2000, displaced the historical groups of Republicanism and has with him numerous religious groups from plural Christian sectors that contribute to empowering conservatism and the regeneration of the American identity.

Even though the North American Empire is in retreat, it will always be a giant for the neighborhood with Mexico. There are more coincidences between the Morena style of governing and the Trumpist Republican than with the Democrats.

The neoliberal right does not adequately interpret the signals from CPAC and Trumpism. The opposition has decided to preserve its islands of power to survive in the coming populist regime, but they leave aside the possibility of achieving greater integration with North America.

Donald Trump is proposing a conservative revolution in the United States to return power to the people of the middle classes, the multiple Christian churches and the WASP status quo. The lesson of North American exceptionalism should make us understand that these phenomena imply that the Deep State must legitimize itself in another way with society and the world.

The Yankee empire has an economic and social bankruptcy that demands the recovery of minimum freedoms and the reestablishment of social control over progressives and mythomaniac plutocrats.

The CPAC event brought together important actors who are seriously betting on emptying the PAN, MC and civil society, to support a conservative populism that will bring together the Christian nationalism of the American Republicans and the Mexican humanists.

Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

 Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Since the Arab Spring, it has become common to find manuals of anarchism and social resistance in different cyber spaces; the Internet has become the main tool of anarchists and dissidents.

The crisis of democracy corresponds more to the unjust development of liberalism than to populism.

Neoliberal democracy has become a plutocratic totalitarianism that insists on denying its responsibility for the conditions in which humanity lives.

It is difficult to deny the dystopia of the Z War if globalization does not change.

As in the sixties of the last century, imagination demands the impossible from power, but political power and, above all, economic power, is a sad, dry and old monolith that feels nothing, it only lives to repress.

That is why imagination, in essence, is rebellious.

The failure of democracy through competitive elections in Mexico has not yet been assimilated by the PRIANRD and the red circle that accompanies it.

The few seconds that the brief history of liberal democratic minimalism barely reached only confirmed the oligarchic vocation of the elites and the only means that society has to protect itself: social mobilization.

The utility of autonomous and civic organizations of civil society is insisted upon as an effective form of social protection. This is not true.

Democratic minimalism, like Francisco I. Madero, dreamed of turning Mexicans into Englishmen and that is how it went for all of us.

François Xavier Guerra points out that social resistance is the only way for the Ibero-American elites and oligarchies to remember the coexistence of pacts; and perhaps it is the same in all of humanity.

The loss of autonomous organizations is not the tragedy that the red circle exposes. The street and the cannon of the future have been the only means to dialogue with the elites, in France, China and the world.

Denise Dresser knows it, and the students of Ayotzinapa know it, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation knows it, and the groups dedicated to organized crime know it. The Hobbits know it, and even Donald Trump.

The cult of violence that the imagination proposes in these times depends more on the failure of the State and the Social Contract than on the failures of democracy.

Liberalism, once again, failed to civilize the powerful, and as long as the totalitarianism of economic power persists, only the streets and social resistance remain for the rest to survive.

The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

 The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible

As the change of government approaches in our country, the opposition to the Fourth Transformation structures the risks of the reforms promoted by López Obrador as a legacy of his political and social commitments.

The disappearance of autonomous organizations at the local and national level seems imminent; if the reform of the Judicial Branch is enough to shake the structures of the neoliberal oligarchy, with the disappearance of the civil spaces that structured the transition via competitive elections, the State shakes off foreign bodies that took away its power and sovereignty.

The changes generate uncertainty, tremendous expectations and doubts regarding the historical stature of some characters; It is true that profound changes do not depend only on those elected but on ordinary people who can cause alarm in critics.

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible.

With the arrival of López Obrador, the intention was to restructure state power and return to the interventionist and corrective dimension that corresponds to political society par excellence.

Is the Mexican State recovering and strengthening? It is still early to say so.

After the unjust North American intervention, it is clear that public institutions lack respect abroad and national strength is not considered under any formal criteria by the powerful neighbor to the north.

However, the union of the groups and parties that make up the Fourth Transformation intend to remedy, in some way, the neoliberal counter-reforms promoted during almost six six-year terms.

The architecture of the historical rupture that is intended seems titanic, it is not a return to the past but a liberation of the State from the future; it could also be Mexico's Armageddon.

The Morena reforms have to be so that the ideas of its political proposal are carried out, if the fourth transformation does not intend to be a banal populism but the Mexican resurgence, the opportunity has its doors open.

As always, History will point out who was at the level of the demands and circumstances.

Plurinominals and unfulfilled promises of the electoral system

 Plurinominals and unfulfilled promises of the electoral system

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The debate around the disproportionality that can be generated from the distribution of plurinominal legislators is meaningless from a retrospective and fair look, the capital sins are the possession of all and only after the conjuncture does critical action make sense. Mexicans voted in one sense and this must be respected; although it is not to the liking of electoral specialists inclined to the liberal democratic model.

For many years, intense academic debates and conscientious studies regarding the Mexican electoral system were never taken into account. It is enough to remember the ideas of Manlio Beltrones regarding Giovanni Sartori's proposal and the second electoral round. Were the parties aware of the studies produced by the Mexican Society of Electoral Studies? Did they include academia in their political proposals? Have the PRIANRD read different studies on electoral indicators? So, why did they never change the electoral system in time? What are they complaining about?

They all act according to their political capital and seek to remain in power. Plan C, as did the National Action Party and the Hegemonic PRI at the time, proposes the disappearance of plurinominals. Perhaps the disappearance of peanuts and pilones is better so that presidentialism works better. The brilliant minds of Mexican political science were never able to convince legislators to design an electoral system appropriate to the correlation of political forces and system of government, nor did they contribute to changing Mexican political culture and, less, the patrimonialism of the ruling class. We have what we want, we are what we did. It is more dignified that the opposition to Morena let Sheinbaum Pardo govern and do well

If the group that makes up the 4T coalition is an electoral alliance or different political parties, it has nothing to do with Mexican democracy. The distribution of seats must be based on the mechanical function of the operational text and there is nothing else to discuss. An electoral system that has blocked Mexican democratization for more than three decades will soon disappear, so each of the parties will get what it works for in social correspondence.

The opposition to Morena cannot seek in electoral judicialization what it did not obtain at the polls. With all the risks that a majority election like the one in 2024 implies, it greatly benefited Morena. The anti-democratic thing is to oppose this trend, even if the people are wrong; things are as they are, reason has never defeated reality. The opposition and the red circle that seeks to stop the electoral expression of Mexicans, still do not understand the message of 2018 and 2024, they keep their distance from society and close themselves off to the change of era that the world is experiencing.

The message of the elections requests approximation of the political class to society, government attention, public policies and respect. Citizens do not ask for Chinese accounts. Anti-Lopez Obradorism had a six-year term to compete, palm to palm, against the Fourth Transformation. They squandered all their opportunities and remain far from the majority, stuck in a political vision that Mexican political culture rejects in a crude and open way.

Morena won almost everything, the opposition has failed in almost everything; it is time to reinvent itself.