Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

(...) We are talking with our hearts in our hands, Hilario, not with good phrases to deceive people. Neither you nor me claims the country. They complain to us (leaving aside three or four fools and three or four deluded ones) the groups of conveners who go hunting for a hook to hang on; that is, three or four bands of politicians ... Duties to the country !?

Ignacio Aguirre

http://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/04/09/Opini%C3%B3n/Puebla:_el_eterno_avilacamachista?fbclid=IwAR1KC1ZIZuKr0FvsyfafvMWXS7B4VHYYuaZMwlcFpkDnJt53QxVR6oGWsks

Even though the political alternation was installed in the entity since 2010 at the Governmental level, the truth is that a political devolution predominates that shows a presence of the oligarchies of always and the null possibilities for the subaltern and popular groups to find a channel to meet their needs. needs

While it was thought that political devolution would constitute a temporary stage - albeit a long one - of political practice, while the historical ruptures were generated in order to create institutions that would configure the new spectrum of democratic forces; what has happened is the consolidation of an oligarchic pragmatic system that uses the parties as mere franchises.

The turncoat has become in a herds of wolves in sheep's clothing so that the historical cliques that have sustained the political power; but, above all, economic and social, they should be maintained and reproduced. After the defeat of the Hegemonic Party, the rules of succession became a cannibalism that has nothing to do with electoral competition. The end of the PRI allowed the return of the violent factionalism of the early twentieth century in Mexico. Then, as now, aggressive factionalism generates ungovernability and weakening of institutions.

Puebla leads an oligarchic family dispute where society always loses.

At least three avilacamachismo tendencies compete: gringos, morenos and revolutionaries.

The scale of appearance indicates that, probably, Morena reaches the governorship; However, given the transfuguism that has been a constant since December of last year, avilacamachismo and neoavilacamachismo will remain.

The problem of the transfuguism is not that it generates constant and unpredictable electoral realignments but ends up by empowering the factions or cliques and de-institutionalizing the government and parties. There is a common core that few perceive, the node from which the privileges and prebends are distributed to the members of the oligarchy.

The defeat or triumph of some clique does not mean much difference, the nucleus is invisible and maintains control. If all the political groups are linked to the longest-lived probostazgo in local history; Then, there are no real alternatives.

A clear example is the experiences in the City Councils and the Legislative Power; the representatives of Morena have not changed a minimum element of the old regime. What is the use of governing the most important municipalities of the State? When will the infamous legislative decisions of the past be modified in municipal matters, of control and security? At what point will the obscure judiciary, the security apparatuses and the public administration as a whole be restructured?

It seems that Puebla is going through a velvet transition, which is nothing more than a transition that has been negotiated. Morena has gone from being the Juan Preciado of "Llano en llamas" to the party that everyone wants as a civic model of Puebla, unfortunately this has meant the incorporation of all kinds of forces without any regard and, most of the time, over the authentic citizen bases and networks. If they really won the 2018 local elections, why do they need alliances with those who dominate elections through belly politics?

The avilacamachismo gringo only fulfills its historical function: represent the interests of Mister Danger.

In Puebla, its role is known during the revolutionary process, a partner of avilacamachism and a trigger for emigration and poverty that is not part of Civil Society. It is one of the pillars of local authoritarianism and surrounds itself with the conservative groups that refined the harsh lineage that brought the founding leader. It made room for morenovallismo and tried to promote it as one of the national alternatives. It completed the political alternation in the entity but it used the transfuguismo to the maximum. It is the space from which mainly the paintings that Morena is integrating come out.

The avilacamachismo revolutionary maintains the cacique corporate structure of the old official party; however, he is aware that absolute victories will not come back. It also builds bridges with Morena and many of its leaders zigzag with electoral structures sold to the highest bidder. Now that the polarization of the last electoral contest seems to have ended, it initiates a transfer of cliques similar to a derby that disappoints. The party that wins the elections has the right to form a plural government with elements of diverse political affiliation; However, an electoral contest supposes a dialectic of governance models and public policies. Elections where the options imply ratification are a fraud, a simulation of those that were abundant in Mexico and Puebla. What does Morena offer now for Puebla? What is your difference with the Neoavilacamachismo that was tried to forge from the PAN?

Political parties must seek their ideological and militant definition. If the turncoat party continues unchecked, the institutes end up approved and subtract greater sovereignty to the town and its citizens. There is still time for the political alternation in Puebla to take place and, finally, to skip the authoritarian and oligarchic stage that distinguishes it.

Factionalism and the political crisis in Puebla

Factionalism and the political crisis in Puebla
March 29, 2019

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/03/29/El-faccionalismo-y-la-crisis-pol%C3%ADtica-en-Puebla


Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The entity can not leave an area of ​​uncertainty that throws negative frames and deeply hurt the future. It's been several months, maybe it's been years, where the state government walks by inertia and nobody seems to attend to the urgent problems. There is a dark caciquism that prevents the resonance of democracy and freedom throughout the region. Inclusive, Puebla begins to take levels of violence that indicate a decomposition similar to the zones controlled by the organized delinquency.

Why the paralysis and loss of political life in the state? One of the answers could be found in the political factionalism that has characterized the entity throughout the twentieth century and that has not allowed the institutionalization of a true party system.

Puebla went from a collaborative factionalism that concentrated on the PRI to a competitive factionalism represented by pragmatic alliance with the PRI, against the PRI and despite the PRI. However, the PRI did not institutionalize a true militancy that projected an authentic governmental platform, it was the crucible of several cliques, caciques and wealthy families that kidnapped the public administration. Now, these cliques were imported by other political parties and have a complicated dispute over power. Factionalism is distinguished by dirty war, transfiguism, disloyalty, violence and opportunism.

Political devolution was not a historical break. The PAN governments in Puebla were the most PRI in recent times. The competition generated in this way, involuted the political practices, behaviors and proposals. You do not live a low quality of democracy, you live a policy of abuse and imposition of the strongest.

Although the political fronts maintain that they constitute alternative options to each other, the certain thing is that they have more similarities than they think, hopefully that it facilitated the government; however, it only serves to raise the level of conflict and violence. Everyone wants power for power.

No clique can deny their belonging to the avilacamachismo. In the origin, or during the political development, said lineage marks to the right, the center and the left. The PAN adds to its participation the closeness with Yankee imperialism. The PRI aims to restore the strength of the regional chiefdoms and MORENA feeds on defectors while the love of the presidential figure persists; He has also paid his fee for admitting all kinds of policies.

The avilacamachismo constitutes a reactionary modernity from which Puebla can not escape. It is more than indispensable a true alternation that has the objective of modifying the structural conditions of authoritarianism in the entity. However, the option is contradictory and the hindrances of the poblano factionalism are not willing to allow liberation and progress.

Each society has the government it deserves, Puebla does not know what government has been granted for several months. Hopefully, political parties and candidates will be able to change the political life of the entity; likewise, that society is demanding of the political class and takes responsibility for its destiny.

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review from Elio Masferrer Kan

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. 

A Book Review from Elio Masferrer Kan

https://soundcloud.com/diegomartnv5/the-mexican-right-in-the-twentieth-century-a-book-review-from-elio-masferrer-kan

The fall of Nicolás Maduro and the fate of Mexico

The fall of Nicolás Maduro and the fate of Mexico

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/02/04/La-ca%C3%ADda-de-Nicol%C3%A1s-Maduro-y-el-destino-de-M%C3%A9xico
February 4, 2019
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Even though Morena is made up of a wide plurality of forces and groups that managed to unify the indignation to make López Obrador reach the presidency of Mexico, there is no cohesion and strength to inhibit the effect that the probable political change in Venezuela will have. This fact can be highly significant for the progressive governments of Latin America. The geopolitical intervention of North America activates the license for the oligarchies to radicalize their positions. In Mexico, hate campaigns, the opportunism of the media and the vileness of political actors will increase.

Progressive governments are still trying to digest the effects of neoliberal globalization, aspire to rebuild a Welfare State that distributes income, improves the condition of humanity and safeguards the environment. However, things seem ungovernable and neoliberal forces become obscure. The task is complicated in front of a society without class consciousness and much less a homeland, it only wants efficiency and results to live the moment of an ephemeral and surprising modernity.

If President Nicolás Maduro falls, the strategy used in Venezuela will be the paradigm to confront and polarize the López Obrador government. It may seem normal that in a democracy the political forces compete aggressively for power, the abnormal is the coup and disloyal behavior to the political system and the community. Government inefficiency or exhaustion of the Chavez regime combined with the ambition of the Venezuelan oligarchy, generate a difficult environment. The last ones do not care about their country, they have always been in the service of foreign forces and they have no other identity than Miami. In Mexico this has been the same for some time, these groups are latent and generate the right environment to activate.

Donald Trump wants to impose a global disaster to retain the presidency, this is a wrong route that is not only distant from the American voter, it is the cause of the exhaustion and crisis in the United States. The republicans do not finish assimilating the lesson: to intervene abroad implies that the internal problems multiply and the cost is assumed by the taxpayer. Interventionism is equal to immigration and excessive subsidies for useless missions abroad. Globalization is uncontrollable and, therefore, the United States must concentrate on its local problems. Trump must fulfill the campaign promises, assume the nationalist character he promised, take the transnationals to his home and provide employment for his people.

In Mexico, the opposition to López Obrador will use all the smear and fear campaigns that are within their reach, they have no limits and are capable of putting the people against the people. AMLO is in the same position as Vicente Fox at the beginning of his six-year term: he generates immediate results or adheres to the usual corrupt ones to simulate governability. Big Fish!, demanded the one with the boots, a people hurt by so many years of suffering. The understanding of the dilemma may reduce the enmity between both characters.

The media war sooner or later has effects and are exhausting for the government in turn. There is no society immune to so much poison, there is no community that supports more pain in countries like Mexico. It is time for our country and the Ibero-American region to understand that, as Juan Linz pointed out, presidentialism does not serve as a form of government and only generates the license for US interventions. Parliamentarism is the necessary vaccine for political forces to force themselves to collaborate and avoid scenarios such as Chile in 1973 or Guatemala in 1954. If Venezuela were a parliamentarian, would there be a coup? The pettiness of the opposition has to be transformed into governmental co-responsibility, nobody needs revolutions or Vietnams, system re-engineering is needed. While the eternal reform of the State in Mexico will forget this point, the Kissinger, the CIA, the Marines and the counterinsurgency will always return.

The dialogue with the true civil society, the opposition to Donald Trump and the alternative movements are effective strategies in the short term; however, they are placebos braking a pathology that is seen as metastasis. The change of the form of government in Mexico is a necessary line for not reaching Venezuela.

Anticommunism, the old rage in Latin America

Anticommunism, the old rage in Latin America
January 31, 2019
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/31/Anticomunismo-la-a%C3%B1eja-rabia-hispanoamericana

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) no longer exists; However, in Latin America the political culture seems to have not heard. When Latin American governments and politicians insist on becoming nationalists, soon disqualifications arise where the anticommunist paroxysm radically sprouts. This unreason has been the factor that, throughout the twentieth century, has prevented the consolidation of the State and the Republic; underdevelopment is the obvious consequence. To end the eternal Latin American poverty, in terms of Rhina Roux, it is enough to return their costumes to the Prince.

Anti-communism was accompanied by unbearable US military interventions. The geopolitical capacity of the North American empire has been radical in the conjunctural moments of Latin nationalism. But times have changed, democratization and the market modified the international game; The United States will end up hurting itself if it decides to summon the anticommunist networks of its strategy.

Robert Pastor describes the conflictive cycle of Spanish-American relations as "swirling". Neither learns nor tries to understand the other. The concrete thing is that Yankee interventionism only results in poverty, corruption, emigration, drug trafficking and all the ills of what is now called the "Failed State". These diseases have been infected and spread in the American Union, the advances of these pathologies within American social capital are stratospheric. Samuel Huntington and George Friedman have warned it decades ago, the United States must stop attending to the ayatollahs of hate and religious fundamentalists just as they did when they let go of Edmund Walsh if they do not want to fail as it happened recently with the most extensive of their paralyzes governmental.

Venezuela's populist regime is exhausted, it's true; however, worse is a military intervention and ridiculous an immediate request for elections. Maduro must be helped to complete his government or make general elections at a reasonable, fair and competitive time. To seek a solution like the one in Guatemala in 1954 is to forget how much the world has changed. The anti-communists stayed in 1905. The world can scrupulously observe the following elections and the Bolivarian government must abandon power if the people no longer hold it.

Today there is Russia, an old empire with a geopolitical and military power similar to the United States but with a greater capacity to adapt to the times of globalization. American society knows the Russian power in its own flesh, it is the modern instruments - formal and informal - that allowed the recovery and development of the most significant central state of the Slavic Baltic civilization. The 1962 crisis could be repeated; but, this time, the nuclear warheads and something else would remain. Venezuela is not alone.

Robert Pastor rightly points out that the teleological principles of American foreign policy must change with respect to Latin America. The American Union must extend throughout the continent and the region can share development, democracy and security in a co-responsible and confederate manner. Local anti-communism must be rejected not only because it is anachronistic but also because it is dangerous and abusive. Latin American schizophrenia always results in the benefit of a parasitic and medieval oligarchy. Even though the Catholic Church has ceased to be anti-Communist and Mario Bergoglio himself placed himself in a position similar to that of the Mexican government, the Constantine radicals long for the arrival of the Marines everywhere and in all the countries of the hemisphere. His great technocratic capacity only reaches to produce mentalities like that of Luis Pazos.

Anti-anti-Communism can be a reference of our time. Communism is dead and it is time that anticommunism - and its brothers: Nazism, Judeophobia, clericalism, fascism, etc. - also do it. How else will ideas and politics be renewed in our republics?

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center
January 9, 2019

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/09/Puebla-el-orden-aunque-venga-del-centro?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

One of the main scholars of the elections in Puebla, Dr. Víctor Reynoso (1997), wrote some years ago about the institutional informality that was impelled in the entity in order to achieve control, stability and order for the historical social conflict between conservatives , liberals and progressives. The title that heads this column refers to this academic work that took the meaning of a popular expression regarding the local inability to generate stable governments. Several years later it seems that Puebla is in the same circumstances and with the same people. Order was lost and there are many shared responsibilities.

Puebla is - essentially - conservative and any modernization awakens the monsters of the identity quarrels. Progress and modernity are desirable phenomena; but, not at any cost and, either, in any way. From there, we must see the impulse that led to morenovallismo to power, its actions, conflicts and tragedies. The morenovallismo did not want to be a neoavilacamachismo, it lacked, or it left him, time, means, public work, consensus, legitimacy, violence. You will never know.

Morenovallismo does not constitute the nucleus of the black box of the political system of Puebla. However, the disappearance of the character that represented it is not similar to the figure of Maximino Ávila Camacho, this yes, structuring a series of elements and balances that achieved cohesion and persistence to conserve power in Puebla, as well as reach the national level . Now, avilacamachismo is restructuring itself to survive in the context of the Fourth Transformation.

Morenovallismo, in fact, was imposed on most of the actors and even sought to subdue the avilacamachismo and change the weights. This is the reason why, in their absence, the factions seek to survive and adapt to the circumstances of the regime. However, there is something in both phenomena that coincide with territorial power: its capacity to generate conflicts. In the immediate history of Puebla that was the characteristic of the political group that built the "Pact of Honor and Justice" in the first half of the Mexican XX century. Currently, it seems that this anarchic era emerges with all its strength. The same academic asked Morenovallismo, recently, in reference to the disputed local elections of 2018: "Does that democracy want?"

The local history shows that Puebla maintains a factionalism that produces radical struggles. The avilacamachismo was controlled, and the state also, with three governors emanating from the presidential orbit in the era of the Hegemonic Party outside the entity. Should something similar happen in the contemporary era to find order and peace?

The avilacamachismo can agree with the federal government. The disappearance of the morenovallismo, from this perspective, does not move away the possibility of other protagonisms and intermediations. Puebla requires a "Table for Peace" before elections. It is urgent because Tyrians and Trojans, Moors and Christians, do not cease in their attempts to rival the extreme, forgetting that the fracture of past elections can lead to something else. In such a context, we all lose. No growth, no development, no social justice. Coexistence or non-existence. The historical actors and with true moral height could hasten a dialogue of this type. Local political succession implies a mediation between regional and national power. Puebla has really serious problems in terms of poverty, security, emigration, economic growth, health and, above all, planning.

Unkept promises

Unkept promises
December 21, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/12/21/Promesas-Incumplidas?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

The political concertacesiones evidence the limits of the fourth transformation. There is a comparison between Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Francisco I. Madero that may have a similar result: the conviction regarding a moral leadership as a sufficient element to change Mexico. There is no doubt that both characters have made the deepest and most honest diagnoses in relation to the national situation; However, as Catherine Mansell points out, they reflect a noble spirit that refuses to assert itself in the matter.

The people abandoned Francisco I. Madero when he entered the labyrinth of political indecision. Sometimes it is thought that Madero was the apostle of democracy that Mexico did not understand. It is difficult to believe that in the days of the Tragic Tenth no contingent came to his aid. Other occasions, one comes to consider that Madero was an enlightened one whose immolation would awaken the true national spirit; However, the martyrdom of the caudillo ended up causing enormous suffering. Will the revolutionary Quijote project ever be understood? Society moved away when the Maderismo sought its benefit and the licensing of the real agents of social transformation. That is why General Emiliano Zapata pronounced the Plan of Ayala and his metaphysical odyssey will ride the first year of this six-year term.

The utopia of a just, legal, democratic and peaceful Mexico has found a wall in the ambivalent mode of some distinguished members of MORENA who corral the main changes in the configuration of the new regime. Emilio Olivier Fernandez affirmed that Mexican politics only knows how to conjugate a verb: early morning. And that is what they are doing to the fourth transformation.

MORENA comes to power with the structural weakness of change without rupture. The Maderismo could not govern and generated a revolution that took everything: the good and the bad. It took the Official Party more than thirty years to consolidate to "blood and fire" the discipline of a Revolutionary Family as well as institutions. The collaborative factionalism was not democratic, but it established a governability and control that, nevertheless, generated a healthy partisan behavior to the political system; at least, even before the neoliberal arrival.

The divisions, leadership, conflicts and opportunism within MORENA will result in situations such as those of the Judiciary, the Senate and local governments. The fourth transformation faces disciplined, institutionalized organizations, consolidated in a series of prejudices and habits that are forming a serious opposition willing to conquer the legislative power, the states and the presidency of the republic; before the end of the sexennium. MORENA is limited to MORENA, in the membership of the movement there are many contradictions -properties of the left-; but, also, derived from opportunism and internal betrayals more than the charismatic leader, the people who supported the fourth transformation. At this rate, society will be in the worst orphanage and the state of violence will be permanent.

AMLO's eschatology begins to crash into reality. The pricomunistas, political turncoats, reborn and organic intellectuals who affirmed themselves as the militia of the national regeneration, are preferring the nicodemicas relations with the powers that be. The high expectations that led to a certain political option implied a break and; Paradoxically, the Morenoites are selecting the opposite.

In the first weeks of the new government, distinguished members of Morena have shown the worst mood of conspiracy and pragmatism, they forget the cost of disappointments and betrayals. Neither utopian nor pragmatic, Mexico needs a capable, strong, competent, nationalist and coherent government. Without results, without partisan discipline, without true loyalty to the People, the lopezobradorismo will become a Church without believers and the country now will be on the cliff. Governance requires decisions, a thermidor that shapes a new Mexico and removes the pathologies that overwhelm our society.